Monday, February 23, 2026

LAL-VAAKH : APPROPRIATION BY PERFORMERS

                                                                                   

                                                                              

Lalleshwari (Lal Ded) and the Nature of the Vaakh: Appropriation By Singers And Performers 


The Vaakhs of Lalleshwari were not composed as court poetry, devotional lyrics for congregational singing, or structured performance pieces. They emerged as spontaneous utterances—direct expressions of realisation within the framework of Kashmir Shaivism. In that sense, they resemble the Shloka tradition in texts like the Bhagavad Gita, compact vehicles of metaphysics and yoga, not performance lyrics designed for audience engagement. A Vaakh is typically:


Dense in non-dual metaphysics

Symbolically layered

Psychologically sharp


Often critical of ritualism and religious formalism, pointing toward direct realisation, not emotional consolation. They are aphoristic, not ornamental.


Were Lal-Vaakhs Meant to Be Sung?


Historically, Kashmir preserved the Vaakhs through oral recitation, often accompanied by semi-musical elements. This is important. They were:


Spoken aloud

Chanted rhythmically

Transmitted in communal memory

Sung in domestic and spiritual settings


But this does not necessarily mean they were composed as performance music. Oral rhythm aids memory. Mystical speech naturally acquires cadence. Yet cadence is not the same as stage music. There is a difference between:


Mnemonic chanting (preserving wisdom)

Devotional singing (evoking emotion)

Stage performance (seeking audience engagement)


The first aligns with Lal Ded. The third introduces the tension that needs to be understood.


The Harm Caused by Musical Performance


Singing Lal-Vaakhs during musical performances has, in many instances, done harm to their integrity. When metaphysical utterances move into:


Concert spaces

Festival platforms

Recorded music industries

They often undergo:

Simplification

Selective emphasis on emotionally resonant lines

Omission of harsh or paradoxical statements

Softening of anti-ritual or radical non-dual critiques


Over time, the “popular Lal Ded” begins to replace the uncompromising mystic. Complex metaphysics does not generate instant applause. Rhythm-driven listening invites emotional reaction rather than contemplative absorption. Applause-based validation subtly pressures performers to privilege accessibility over depth. Difficult lines are diluted. Subtle doctrines are flattened. Symbolic density is reduced to a devotional mood. Over time, the performed version overtakes the original contemplative force. This phenomenon is not unique to her. It has occurred with:


Kabir

Rumi

Even popular renderings of the Bhagavad Gita


The Deeper Question: Resonance with Audience vs. Resonance with Truth. The essential tension is between: Mystical revelation (inner authority)and Cultural transmission (social reception)


In seeking resonance with audiences, we risk losing resonance with truth. Performance becomes another site of erosion, where metaphysical density is sacrificed for immediacy and emotional effect. What was once compressed philosophy becomes lyrical sentiment. What was once yogic instruction becomes aesthetic experience. The Vaakhs were revelations, not entertainment. When treated as performance material, they are subtly repositioned—from instruments of awakening to objects of appreciation. And that shift, however gradual, has done real damage to their original intensity.


( Avtar Mota )





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CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
Based on a work at http:\\autarmota.blogspot.com\.

Saturday, February 21, 2026

WE ARE WALKING IN THE ACCIDENT ZONES

                                        

ALL OF US ARE FORCED TO WALK  IN THE ACCIDENT ZONES

It is unfortunate to see people walking through accident zones on roads in Talab Tillo right from Bee Enn Charitable Hospital upto Bohri Chowk. I have known about 12 accidents during last one year on this road where people either lost their lives or got crippled due to major injuries. We had  heaved  a sigh of relief after the road widening in the area coupled with construction of pedestrian space . It was expected to create some pedestrian walking space but unfortunately it has resulted in shrinking of the existing walking space as newly widened roads are now used for parking and tiled footpaths are occupied by shopkeepers and traders throwing general public to walk through the accident zones where they get hit by speeding vehicles. The officials who are required to clear this pedestrian space come for one day , everything looks normal for some hours and the problem stays there after this surprise raid is over.

 In the US , a pedestrian has first right on the road while in India , we find shopkeepers , Reddiwallas and vehicle owners who use  roads for parking excercise first right on roads and footpaths. In Germany, the Mayor of a city was also asked to share half of the compensation by the Motor Accident Tribunal in a road accident due to laxity from his office for overlooking parking of vehicles on the road. The unauthorised parking had resulted in the accidental injury to a pedestrian.Will we ever create free walking space for our pedestrians?

( Avtar Mota )



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CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
Based on a work at http:\\autarmota.blogspot.com\.

Wednesday, February 18, 2026

DID LAL DED AND MIR SAYYID ALI HAMADANI MEET ?

                                                       
                              ( Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani on Tajikistan  currency note  known as Somoni )
                      
                                 (The mausoleum of Mir Syed Ali Hamadani, located in Kulob, Tajikistan)

On the Impossibility of a Meeting between Lal Ded and Sayyid Ali Hamadani

The persistent claim that Lal Ded, also known as Lalla or Lalleshvari, met Sayyid Ali Hamadani, revered in Kashmir as Shah-i-Hamadan, has circulated widely in later Kashmiri devotional and syncretic literature. The story is attractive because it brings together two of the Valley's most celebrated spiritual personalities: Lal Ded, the great Kashmiri Shaiva mystic, and Hamadani, the distinguished Kubrawi Sufi scholar whose later presence profoundly influenced the religious and cultural history of Kashmir.

In later memory, their supposed encounter has acquired an additional symbolic significance. Lal Ded is portrayed as representing Kashmir's indigenous Shaiva spirituality, while Hamadani represents the arrival and consolidation of an Islamic scholarly and Sufi tradition. Their imagined dialogue has consequently been used as an emblem of Kashmir's composite spiritual heritage. Historical inquiry, however, must distinguish between the cultural meaning of a tradition and the evidence for the event itself.

When the question is examined through chronology, the historical testimony discussed by Jaya Lal Kaul, the textual and linguistic observations of S. S. Toshakhani, and the Central Asian and Tajik material concerning Hamadani's movements, the alleged encounter cannot be sustained as an established event of the fourteenth century. The evidence points instead to a later hagiographical construction.

Chronological Demonstration

The chronology of Lal Ded is admittedly difficult to establish with precision. As Jaya Lal Kaul emphasises, contemporary or near-contemporary biographical evidence concerning Lal Ded is extremely limited, and much of her later biography was constructed through oral tradition, hagiography and retrospective historical writing. There is nevertheless one particularly important chronological testimony. Azam Dedmari places Lal Ded's death during the reign of Sultan Shihab-ud-Din, whose reign ended in 1373 CE. This should not be converted into the assertion that 1373 is certainly the exact year of her death. It does, however, provide a significant upper chronological limit within the traditional evidence. If Lal Ded had died during Shihab-ud-Din's reign, she had already passed from the historical scene by 1373 at the latest.

The chronology of Sayyid Ali Hamadani presents a serious difficulty for the traditional meeting story.

The account associated with Jaya Lal Kaul places Hamadani's substantive stay and activity in Kashmir in the later period, around 1380–1386. This chronology is also compatible with a significant body of Central Asian and Tajik biographical material concerning Hamadani. The Tajik evidence deserves particular attention because Hamadani's shrine is at Kulob in present-day Tajikistan, and his life and travels have remained part of the historical and literary tradition of Central Asia. Material published by the National Library of Tajikistan places Hamadani's departure for Kashmir in 1379, following the upheavals associated with Timur's conquest of Hamadan, and describes his subsequent settlement and activity in Kashmir.  A Tajik municipal cultural account likewise states that Hamadani left his homeland in 1379 with a large following and went to Kashmir. These Tajik sources are valuable corroborative evidence for the broader chronology, although they should not be represented as proving a single uncontested itinerary. The historical traditions concerning Hamadani's visits to Kashmir are themselves not completely uniform. What they do establish is that his major movement towards Kashmir belongs to the later 1370s and 1380s, rather than providing secure evidence for a sustained Kashmiri presence at the time of Lal Ded's death.

Thus, if Dedmari's dating of Lal Ded's death is accepted together with Kaul's chronology and the Tajik tradition placing Hamadani's departure for Kashmir in 1379, the traditional meeting becomes chronologically untenable. The chronological sequence is therefore more accurately stated as follows:

Lal Ded belongs to an earlier generation; Hamadani's substantial movement towards Kashmir belongs to the later 1370s and 1380s; and the principal period of his established activity in Kashmir falls after the chronological limit traditionally assigned to Lal Ded's life.

This is considerably stronger than merely saying that the two figures happened not to be contemporaries for a few years. The evidence points towards succession rather than sustained contemporaneity.

Nund Rishi and the Earlier Memory of Lal Ded

A further chronological consideration arises from the tradition surrounding Sheikh Nur-ud-Din Nurani, popularly known as Nund Rishi.

The precise circumstances of an alleged personal meeting between Lal Ded and Nund Rishi are themselves disputed and should not be treated uncritically. Nevertheless, the Nund Rishi tradition is significant because Nund Rishi is remembered as referring to Lal Ded as an earlier spiritual authority.

Nund Rishi belonged to a later generation and died during the reign of Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin. His attribution of a teaching or saying to Lal Ded is therefore important evidence concerning the position she occupied in the spiritual memory of later Kashmir.

This does not prove that Lal Ded and Nund Rishi actually met. Nor does it give an exact date for Lal Ded's death. Its importance is chronological: Lal Ded was already remembered as a spiritual predecessor by a saint who belonged to a later generation and survived into the reign of Zain-ul-Abidin. This accords with Kaul's treatment of Lal Ded as a figure of the earlier fourteenth-century Kashmiri religious and literary environment. Toshakhani likewise stresses the difficulties of reconstructing Lal Ded's life from later traditions and orally transmitted material.

The distinction is therefore essential. One should not reject the Lal Ded–Hamadani meeting merely to substitute an equally unverified literal account of a meeting between Lal Ded and Nund Rishi. What the Nund Rishi tradition securely contributes is the memory of Lal Ded as an earlier spiritual authority.

That chronological relationship further complicates the attempt to place Lal Ded in direct conversation with Hamadani during the latter's later Kashmiri career.

The Silence of Early and Near-Contemporary Sources

The chronological argument is reinforced by documentary silence.

The Sanskrit historical tradition, particularly the continuations of the Rajatarangini, does not provide an early account of a meeting between Lal Ded and Hamadani. Jonaraja and Srivara, despite their attention to political and religious developments, do not preserve a narrative of such an encounter.

This silence should not be exaggerated into absolute proof. Medieval chronicles were selective, and Lal Ded herself is inadequately represented in the formal historical record. Nevertheless, the absence is meaningful when combined with the chronology and the late development of the meeting tradition. The same problem occurs in the Persian material associated with Hamadani and his religious legacy. The sources emphasise his scholarship, religious authority, travels, relations with rulers and missionary activity. There is no securely early testimony describing a theological dialogue or personal encounter between him and Lal Ded.

If such an encounter had been remembered by early transmitters as an important event, one would expect at least some independent trace of it. None can presently be demonstrated.

Dedmari and the Uncertainty of the Tradition

Azam Dedmari is especially important because his testimony demonstrates that the meeting tradition itself was not historically secure in later Kashmir. Dedmari did not simply accept every story surrounding Lal Ded.

The material discussed in Toshakhani's presentation of the evidence indicates that the alleged encounters attributed to Lal Ded were subjected to investigation and that some were not found established before the relevant authorities of inquiry. This is a crucial point.

The story of Lal Ded and Hamadani cannot be treated as an uninterrupted oral memory preserved unchanged from the fourteenth century. By the time later chroniclers examined such traditions, their historical basis was already uncertain. The later elaboration of the meeting therefore belongs more appropriately to the history of hagiography than to documentary history.

Lal Ded's Vaakhs and Textual Evidence

The Vaakhs attributed to Lal Ded must also be treated cautiously. As Kaul  emphasises, the Vaakhs were transmitted orally before being committed to writing, and their textual history is consequently complex. Questions of authenticity, interpolation and variant transmission make it hazardous to use every verse as a verbatim historical document from Lal Ded's lifetime.

Nevertheless, the corpus preserves a distinctive intellectual and linguistic world. Lal Ded's spiritual vocabulary is deeply rooted in the Kashmiri Shaiva and yogic environment. Her poetry concerns self-realisation, consciousness, the body, yoga, spiritual discipline and liberation. There is no positive textual evidence in the Vaakhs establishing a personal relationship with Hamadani.

Nor should later similarities between Shaiva mystical thought and Sufi vocabulary be retrojected into the fourteenth century as proof of personal contact. Mystical traditions frequently develop comparable language concerning inner purification, detachment, divine realisation and transcendence of outward formalism.

Similarity is not evidence of personal encounter.

Toshakhani's linguistic and literary work is particularly relevant here because it situates early Kashmiri poetry within its own historical linguistic environment. His discussions of the language, syntax and transmission of Kashmiri poetry caution against reading later developments back into the earliest material.

The evidence therefore supports Lal Ded's independent place within the Kashmiri Shaiva and vernacular tradition rather than requiring an explanatory connection with Hamadani.

The Tajik and Central Asian Dimension

The Central Asian dimension deserves separate emphasis because Hamadani was not merely a Kashmiri figure. His life was embedded in a wider Central Asian and Persianate world, and his final resting place at Kulob became an important centre of his memory. Tajik sources preserve a strong cultural and historical memory of Hamadani's travels. The National Library of Tajikistan identifies him as a major Persian-Tajik intellectual and records his extensive travels before his movement to Kashmir. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Tajikistan likewise highlights the international geographical spread of his surviving manuscripts and the monuments associated with his memory, including the shrine at Khatlon and the mosque associated with his Kashmiri legacy. A Tajik educational and cultural account specifically places his departure for Kashmir in 1379 and describes his subsequent residence and religious activity there.

These sources do not independently prove every detail of Hamadani's itinerary. Indeed, the historical tradition concerning his number and dates of visits to Kashmir contains discrepancies. But they provide an important Central Asian corroborative tradition for the basic chronological proposition: Hamadani's decisive migration towards Kashmir belongs to the period after the date traditionally assigned to Lal Ded's death. This is precisely where the Tajik material is useful. It does not need to prove the entire argument by itself. It independently reinforces the chronological framework supplied by Kaul.

Retrospective Syncretic Construction

If the meeting cannot be established historically, why has the story endured?

Its persistence becomes understandable when viewed as part of the later construction of Kashmir's shared religious memory.

Lal Ded became one of the supreme symbols of Kashmir's indigenous mystical heritage. Hamadani became one of the most important figures associated with the development of Muslim religious institutions and scholarship in the Valley.

A later tradition that placed them in conversation could therefore accomplish something culturally powerful. It could represent the older Kashmiri spiritual inheritance and the incoming Islamic tradition as capable of mutual recognition.

The story consequently functions as a symbolic bridge.

This does not require us to assume that later narrators deliberately fabricated history. Hagiographical traditions frequently transform remembered personalities into vehicles for larger theological and cultural meanings. A saintly encounter can represent harmony even when the historical evidence for the encounter itself is absent.

The Lal Ded–Hamadani narrative can therefore be understood as theology and cultural memory narrated in historical form.

Conclusion

When the evidence is considered cumulatively, the traditional meeting between Lal Ded and Sayyid Ali Hamadani cannot be sustained as an established historical event.

Dedmari places Lal Ded's death during the reign of Shihab-ud-Din, ending in 1373. Kaul's chronology places Hamadani's substantial Kashmiri activity in the later period, around 1380–1386. Tajik and Central Asian biographical traditions provide additional support for placing Hamadani's decisive migration towards Kashmir in the later 1370s and 1380s, with Tajik sources specifically placing his departure for Kashmir in 1379.

The Nund Rishi tradition provides further chronological context. Although the alleged personal meeting between Lal Ded and Nund Rishi is itself disputed, Nund Rishi's remembrance of Lal Ded as an earlier spiritual authority, together with his survival into the reign of Zain-ul-Abidin, reinforces the picture of Lal Ded as belonging to an earlier generation.

The absence of an early independent account of a Lal Ded–Hamadani meeting, the uncertain and late development of the narrative, and the absence of positive evidence in the Vaakhs all reinforce the chronological objection.

It is therefore reasonable to conclude:

On the evidence presently available, Lal Ded and Sayyid Ali Hamadani cannot be shown to have met, and the chronology strongly militates against the traditional account. The story is best understood as a later hagiographical and syncretic construction rather than as a verifiable event of fourteenth-century history.

This conclusion does not diminish either figure. Lal Ded does not require Hamadani to explain her place in Kashmiri spiritual and literary history, just as Hamadani does not require a meeting with Lal Ded to explain his extraordinary historical importance.

The later story nevertheless remains culturally significant. It expresses a Kashmiri desire to imagine continuity between distinct religious traditions. But historical criticism requires a distinction between the memory of concord and the evidence for an actual encounter.

The former may be profound. The latter, on present evidence, cannot be established.

(Avtar Mota)


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Sunday, February 15, 2026

BHANDAARAS AND LANGARS : SERVICE TO HUMANITY

                                           






BHANDAARAS AND LANGARS  : SERVICE TO HUMANITY 

Today on  Mahashivratri , it looks nice to  see Bhandaara organised by people in all localities of Jammu city. The concept of 'Bhandara' in Hinduism is a beautiful tradition of community feasting, rooted deeply in spiritual generosity. It's much more than just a meal; it's an act of 'Anna Daan' (food donation), considered one of the highest forms of charity in Hindu scriptures like the Dharma Shastras. This practice is believed to purify karma and attract divine blessings.It is the concept of NAR SEVA NARAYAN SEVA put on ground

Often organised after religious rituals, festivals, or auspicious events, a Bhandara involves offering consecrated vegetarian food, known as 'Prasad', to devotees, pilgrims, and those in need. It fosters unity and harmony, as everyone, regardless of caste, creed, or social status, partakes together, reinforcing equality and brotherhood. The selfless service ('Seva') involved in cooking and serving these meals is a testament to compassion and shared humanity. 

Paralleling this, the Sikh tradition has its own profound practice of 'Langar'. Founded by Guru Nanak Dev Ji, Langar is a free, communal kitchen concept found in every Gurdwara. Here, vegetarian meals are served to all visitors, day and night, without any discrimination based on religion, caste, gender, economic status, or age. The Langar is putting the great Shabd ' KAL TAARAN GURU NANAK AAYA CHAAR VARAN EK VARAN BANAAYA' on ground .

Both 'Bhandara' and 'Langar' powerfully embody the core principles of sharing, selfless service, and equality. They are living examples of faith translated into action, demonstrating how spiritual values like compassion and generosity can uplift humanity and foster profound community bonds through the simple yet powerful act of sharing food. 

( Avtar Mota)



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CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
Based on a work at http:\\autarmota.blogspot.com\.

Thursday, February 12, 2026

BRAHM RISHI VAAGHA BHATTA OF KASHMIR, MAHABHARATA WAR AND NEEL-GATHA

                                                                        


BRAHM RISHI VAAGHA BHATTA OF KASHMIR, MAHABHARATA WAR AND NEEL-GATHA
(AI-generated photo of the coronation ceremony of Queen Yashovati by Sri Krishna. )
BUY NEEL-GATHA
IN EUROPE AND THE US
Vaagahom, a village in Kashmir, is regarded as having originated from the ancient Vaaga Āshrama of Brahm-Rishi Vaagha Bhatta, who performed the Maha-Shraddha of thousands of innocents killed at the Kurukshetra in the battle between the Kauravas and the Pandavas. This is supported by a broader pattern observable in Kashmiri toponymy, where place-names such as Burzahom and Vāgahom preserve the suffix –hom, commonly understood as a contracted and fossilised form of the Sanskrit āśrama. In these contexts, āśrama refers not to an ordinary domestic dwelling but to an ascetic, ritual, or hermitage-based settlement. The emergence of –hom can be explained through regular phonological processes characteristic of Kashmiri linguistic evolution, particularly in place-names. These include the loss of the initial vowel ā-, the weakening or transformation of the consonantal cluster śr, and the reduction of the terminal –ram, often accompanied by nasalisation. Through successive stages of simplification—āśram → ahram → hram → hom—the original term becomes compressed into a stable toponymic suffix. Such reduced and fossilised forms are a recurring feature of Kashmiri geographical nomenclature and preserve linguistic evidence of early sacred or monastic landscapes embedded within the region’s modern settlements.
As per some Sanskrit texts, Puranas, and the Neel-Gatha, it was Sri Krishna who asked Bhima to go to Satidesa ( Kashmir ) and bring Vaagh Bhatta for the Maha-Shraddha of innocents killed in the war between the Kauravas and the Pandavas. Sri Krishna desired to ensure Sadgati and Moksha for all these innocent souls. Queen Yashovati of Kashmir accompanied Bhima and requested Brahm Rishi Vaagh Bhatta for this Maha Shraddha. Queen Yashovati ( Widow of King Damodara of Kashmir ) was coronated by Sri Krishna in Kashmir. AgniShekhar's Neel-Gatha has at least 5 poems on the subject. Ancient Sanskrit texts say that Queen Yashhovati was pregnant at the time of her coronation. A poem from Neel-Gatha translated into English by Avtar Mota goes as follows:-
(22)
Sri Krishna put the crown on Yashovati’s head.
And in every direction,
Euphoric shouts resounded.
Flowers rained, and the sacred chants filled the air.
Yashovati’s head was adorned by the royal attendants with golden necklaces.
Music delighted everyone in the assembly,
Anklets jingled as dancers twirled,
And then suddenly,
Yashovati felt a little stir in her womb.
She turned alert with this sudden movement;
“Was it joy, the child’s gentle move,
Or anger at my choice?”
Her thoughts drifted to her husband’s dream,
And the slaying of her father-in-law Gonanda,
And of her husband too,
A silent fissure opened again somewhere deep in her heart.""
( Avtar Mota )

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Sunday, February 8, 2026

SUGGI : AN AMAZING CHARACTER CREATED BY PADMA SACHDEV

                                             







SUGGI IS OBSTINATE, TRADITION BOUND, DOMINATING, YET FULL OF AFFECTION AND EMPATHY 


Using Suggi ( a widow from a family of barbers to Dogra Maharajas ) as protagonist, Padma  Sachdev takes the reader on a trip through Jammu city right from her childhood days till sometime around 1994-95. In this journey, one visits Panjtirthi locality, where Padma spent her childhood after her family shifted from Purmandal. The reader comes across the steep foot paths (Dakkis) leading to the River Tawi. These paths would come live everyday early in the pre-dawn darkness as men and women went to the River Tawi for bathing. The reader visits the narrow lanes and clean mud houses with courtyards that were made dirt-free using cow dung spread. Wonderfully descriptive scenes have been created around Suggi’s house; tinkling of bells at the  Mahalakshmi Temple of Pucca Danga, Jangam Babas at Peer Kho Temple on the Tawi bank, Daunthali Bazaar, Purani Mandi, Kachi Chhawani, Maniyaari shops, warm kitchens with timber burnt for cooking food, the smoked utensils, Chapatis, Daal, Karhi Chaawal, Kachaalu, home made mango pickle, morning Desi tea with sugar and a pinch of salt, Khameer, eating juicy Kimb( citrus fruit ), elders with Hookah, Pateesa, Darbar Move, walnut tree bark used as Daatun and many more easily identifiable lifestyle images of Jammu city’s past.


 Every morning, the Gujjar women (with heavy silver anklets), living in hills adjoining the city, walk through steep paths (Dakkis in local parlance) to bring milk to the city. They sit and gossip in a confident and carefree manner with the Shah (shopkeeper). This scene is almost extinct now as milk is ferried to the city by male Gujjars in motor vehicles through roads that connect their houses with Jammu city. As you move through the pages, you find women in tight Churridaar Pyjamas (Suthhan) singing: ……..

‘Pal pal beyi jaana ho jindhe

Raati reyi jaana ho Jindhe’


(Love sit for a while over here too

Love stay for a night over here too.


Women prefer to sit in groups after they finish their work. While sitting, each woman is busy with some kind of work that could be knitting or needlework. Away from their mothers-in-law, young women giggle when a married girl joins to say:

“Breikurr gilli bii balley

Sas gareeban be larre “


(The Breikurr shrub burns even if it is wet,

And the mother-in-law quarrels even if she is poor.


After they finish the kitchen work, women busy themselves with the Charkha and keep singing in a low tone …

“Ladli na rakh baawala

Teri ladali de din thoday

Laadli me Iyaan rakhii ye

Jiyaan kaagdhe de vich sunna”


(Father, don’t pamper your daughter

She has a brief stay at your house 

“I have kept my darling daughter

Like we keep precious gold inside paper.)


“Chambe diye daahladiye moiye bindh duaas ni ho

Kal unney aayii ponaa khirri khirri banii banii po”


(O You like a branch laden with Champa flowers, do not turn to sorrow,

Dress up and sit like a blooming flower, tomorrow he shall be arriving.)


Suggi is a witness to the painful events of 1947 and the arrival of refugees from Mirpur, Rajouri, Bhimber and other adjoining areas to Jammu city. Her memory is stored with many tragic events of 1947, when man turned beast. She also narrates with pride as to how some people still retained sanity when people behaved as lunatics. For her, Pakistan was created out of pain and suffering resulting from the killing of many innocent people across both sides of the border. She misses Sialkot, where some of her childhood friends and neighbours migrated. She is sympathetic to refugees who arrived from POK and also misses her Muslim neighbours who left for Pakistan. Unfortunately, Padma Sachdev also lost her father, Sanskrit scholar Professor Jai Dev Baru, in the communal frenzy of 1947.

Once   Suggi goes to the official residence of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad in Jammu, as she is thrown out of her custodian accommodation by some government officials. She motivates Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad to come to her house in a jeep and make a spot decision. While Bakshi drives the jeep personally, Suggi sits in the front seat smilingly. To the surprise of her foes, Bakshi does justice in his own style to poor Suggi. He allots another custodian house to her during this visit. People gather to see the Prime Minister coming to meet a poor, destitute woman. While Bakshi delivers justice, a person amongst the onlookers keeps singing:


“Bhaley bhaley ki sidhaa kardaa

Aey bakshi da dandaa “


“Who is there who has not been set right?

By Bakshi‘s handheld stick? “


Other characters of this novel that are worth mentioning are Nainto, Raano, Pant Ji, Soma Panditaayan, Sainti, Laajo and Shardul Singh ( servant from the Wazir family ). Shardul Singh is a liquor addict. Shardul Singh’s Sahib from the Wazir family is fond of Kalaaris made from milk, and he prefers to have them with his daily quota of liquor. With the Wazir family, Suggi goes on a pilgrimage to the Pashupati Nath Temple of Nepal.


Soma Panditaayan is her childhood friend. Her husband, Pandt Dev Datt, is a respected Brahmin who is always busy performing marriages, Mundans, Yagneopavit functions, Shradaas and other religious rituals for various families in Jammu city. Soma fondly calls him Pant Ji (Pandit Ji). Pant Ji never misses his early morning bath, even during the intense winter season, when he uses a Kangri to warm up his body. Without fail, Pant ji does his morning Thakurdwara (Pooja room or Thokur Kuth in Kashmiri) Pooja before starting his daily routine work. He must also have his glass of milk every day after his Thakurdwara Pooja. Soma puts three or four water-soaked almond kernels in this milk. Pandit Dev Datt is a Shaivite who worships Parthav Shiva with milk, water and Bheil p’atar. The husband and wife live a happy and contented life. Suggi is a frequent visitor to Pandit Dev Datt's house.


And then Suggi remembers how she would join Bhaakkaan singers from the adjoining hills of Jammu city who flocked to Amar Palace on Maharaja Hari Singh’s birthday. These women would squat in groups in the outer lawns for their day-long singing of Pahari songs. Gifts and food would be distributed to them by the members of the royal family. They sang many songs, like:


“Chan maahrra chadeyaa te pahaada aahli kingri

Sajne ki pyaar dena nath karey khingri

Milnaa zaroor meri jaan ho”


(My Moon-faced beloved has gone up a mountain top,

Keeping my nose ring aside,

I shall offer him my love

My love! I shall meet you for sure. )


How painful for Suggi to know that Maharaja was an exile who lived in Mumbai with his ADC, Capt Diwan singh and some trusted servants. The royal status ofthe Wazir and Katoch families of Jammu had also declined with the departure of Maharaja Hari Singh. Some person makes her believe that even during Maharaja’s rule, Dogras were poor and unemployed, as Maharaja Partap Singh and even Maharaja Hari Singh preferred outsiders to fill various posts in the administration. A woman quotes poet Dinu Bhai Pant to support this point of view.


“Lok mheene maardhey dogre da raaj ho

Dogre da bhaag dikho jurrdaa ni saag ho”


(People comment satirically that the Dogras rule the state

And look how unlucky Dogras can’t even afford green vegetables.


And Jammu kept changing. People who were satisfied with Daal, Chappati, Achaar, Lassi, Madra, Kachori, Annardaana, Rajmaah shifted to cold drinks, Lipton Tea, Chicken, Ice creams, sweets, kitty parties and LPG cylinders in their kitchens. With development and newer employment avenues, people from many towns start pouring in and settling in Jammu city. Jammu gets ample connectivity and expands in all directions. With new concrete residential buildings, newer colonies and people pouring in regularly, the city feels pressure on its resources. Suggi is privy to these rapid changes.

And then in 1990, Suggi witnessed once more something like the 1947 events. Terrorised by the armed militants, Kashmiri Pandits run for safety and arrive in Jammu city. They take shelter in temples, vacant semi-finished buildings, tents and anywhere and everywhere they find a cover for their hapless families. Young children, women and elders crowd in a single room, face many odds, and to survive, men from the community take up any offer of employment that comes their way. They live in hell but keep dreaming of the heaven they left behind.

The protagonist of the novel is amazed at the resilience of this community and feels that no curse is bigger than leaving one’s motherland.

Suggi tells Soma Panditayan:

“Look, Soma, women may pass time in banishment as they get busy with other household affairs, but men suffer too much while living in exile. These Pandits used to spread education all over. Now look at how these poor fellows do all types of odd jobs. I curse this government. Bring two families over here. Those two rooms have been locked since long time in our locality. I shall break open the locks. Let the two Pandit families stay over here . Bring Sarvanand Koul’s family here. If nothing is possible, I shall share one room in this custodian's house with that family. One room is sufficient for me.”

Unable to come to terms with rapid changes taking place around her, just before her death, Suggi tells Rano:

“This city does not reflect the Dogra culture anymore. People neither speak the Dogri language nor eat Dogra food. No one dresses like a Dogra anymore. The potter who made Suraahi-type pitchers is dead.No women wears a Suthan (a long but tight salwar worn by ladies). When parents do not speak Dogri, how can children speak Rano Ji? Dogras think that they have come from England. They feel proud in teaching English to their children as a language of communication within their families and homes.”

On her deathbed, Suggi tells Parsino, her daughter-in-law:

“Look, Parsino, this River Tawi is more sacred than Ganga or Yamuna. Let me have a bath in Tawi before I die. Can't Nathi (Parsino’s husband) carry me on his back? I want to see the hills of Mata Vaishno Devi. I shall send my Pranaams to Mata Rani. Parsino, listen carefully, Soma is my childhood friend. Respect her in my absence. During my death rituals, ensure that all women wear the Dogra dress. You should wear a Suthan. I shall be watching everything from the sky over your head. I may become a ghost if you do not act on my words.”

And inspite of her love for the Dogra culture and language, Suggi is open towards accepting changes that are sweeping her Jammu. In fact, she has learnt and adopted many things after her personal interaction with Punjabis, Mirpuris and Kashmiris living in Jammu city. She likes Kashmiri Kahwa tea and crisp Baakir-khaanis. She has a Kashmiri Raffal Dussa that she uses sparingly.


And Suggi watches as  Jammu finally turns into a crucible of many cultures and civilisations.




(Avtar Mota)





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CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
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