Friday, March 6, 2026

THE PRIVATE SECTOR IS RAPIDLY CHANGING




THE PRIVATE SECTOR  IS RAPIDLY CHANGING 

India has seen fast growth in sectors like e-commerce, fintech, and telecom. Quite often,  this growth is  faster than their customer-service infrastructure could handle.The results are obvious: long wait times, unresolved complaints, and automated  responses. To  reduce support costs, companies rely heavily on bots and automated systems that often trap customers in loops without human help.Customer complaints rarely reach top management. Metrics focus on sales targets, not customer satisfaction. The private sector companies  compete on: discounts, pricing, promotions instead of service quality.In mature markets like the US or Japan, companies realised that good customer service actually increases profits through loyalty and repeat purchases. Many Indian firms are still transitioning to that mindset.

The private sector, once known for its agility and customer- centric approach, is increasingly adopting a bureaucratic mindset reminiscent of government offices. This shift is characterised by lack of real time care coupled with publicity gimmicks that don't match with ground realities. Customers are often greeted with a scripted "Welcome sir" upon entering, only to be dismissed with a dismissive attitude when they leave. This phenomenon can be attributed to rapid growth,  and a focus on profits over customer experience. As companies scale, they often forget the human touch that once set them apart. The result is a sterile, impersonal environment that fails to deliver on its promises. 

( Avtar Mota )




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CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
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QUEEN DIDDA AND KASHMIR MINT

                                                                                         



                                                             (Coins of Queen Didda )

QUEEN DIDDA AND KASHMIR. MINT...

Born around 924 CE, Didda was the daughter of the Lohara King Simharaja and the granddaughter of the renowned Shahi King Bhimadeva of Kabul/Gandhara. Didda was married to Kshemagupta of the Utpala dynasty of Kashmir. She acted as regent from 958–980 CE and as the sole monarch from 980–1003 CE, effectively dominating Kashmiri politics for roughly 44-50 years. She is compared to Catherine the Great for her shrewd political intelligence, consolidation of power, and, according to historical accounts, the elimination of rivals to maintain control. Queen Didda never yielded to the bridle of patriarchy and lived a full and fulfilling life as a liberated and independent woman, as well as a sovereign.

COINS OF QUEEN DIDDA 

The coinage of Didda represents an important stage in the numismatic history of medieval Kashmir. Didda, who ruled Kashmir from 981 to 1003 CE, is widely regarded as the first Kashmiri queen to issue coins in her own name. Her coinage reflects both political authority and the continuation of earlier monetary traditions of the Kashmir kingdom. Didda’s coins were primarily copper and were widely circulated within the region. They follow the established design pattern of earlier Kashmiri rulers but also introduce inscriptions associated with her own authority. The legends on these coins are written in the Sharada script, which was commonly used in the region during the early medieval period.

 Coins of Queen Didda from medieval Kashmir usually show symbolic religious imagery rather than realistic portraits: on one side there is often a seated goddess, usually identified with Lakshmi or Ardoksho, symbolising prosperity and royal authority, while the other side often depicts a standing ruler performing a ritual offering at an altar, representing the King’s duty to uphold religion and protect the kingdom; around these figures appear inscriptions such as “Sri Didda” or forms like “Di-Kshema” referring to her and her husband Kshemagupta, which is historically significant because it is rare in medieval India for coins to mention a queen alongside a king. The Sharda script is distinctly visible in these coins. Didda’s rule represents the peak of women’s power in Kashmir. These coins were typically small copper or bronze pieces about 16–19 mm wide and weighing roughly 5–6 grams, minted more than a thousand years ago. These coins likely belong to the period when she shared political authority or issued currency in continuation of the earlier royal line. The inscription symbolically connects Didda with the legitimacy of her husband’s reign. These coins clearly demonstrate her independent authority as ruler of Kashmir. The appearance of her name on the coinage marks an important moment in the political and monetary history of the region, as it reflects the formal recognition of a female sovereign.

Several examples of Didda’s copper coins have been discovered in different villages and settlements across Kashmir. These findings indicate that her currency was widely circulated during her reign. Today, a number of these coins are preserved in collections such as the Sri Pratap Singh Museum, where they serve as valuable evidence of Kashmir’s medieval monetary system. The coins of Queen Didda provide important historical insight into the political authority, economic life, and artistic traditions of Kashmir during the 10th century. They remain a significant source for the study of early medieval Kashmiri numismatics.

During Didda’s reign in Kashmir (c. 980–1003 CE), copper was widely used in the mint for practical and economic reasons. Copper was abundant, durable, inexpensive, and was extracted locally, making it ideal for small-denomination coins used in daily trade. Using precious metals like silver or gold for everyday currency would have been too costly and unsustainable for the kingdom. Copper’s softness made it easier to mint coins with clear inscriptions, royal symbols, and designs reflecting Didda’s authority. These coins helped create a tiered monetary system, with copper for small transactions and silver or gold for larger trade or ceremonial purposes. The minting of copper coins facilitated taxation and smooth economic exchanges across the kingdom. This system strengthened both the economy and the administrative reach of Didda’s rule.

Coins of Didda reveal her sovereign rule after Kshemagupta. Their designs show dynastic continuity and legitimacy. Hindu symbols reflect religious influence and royal patronage. Regular coinage indicates a stable economy and active trade. Coins also demonstrate strong administrative control. Numismatic evidence complements the Rajatarangini. Overall, Didda’s coins provide key insights into Kashmir’s political, economic, and cultural history.

OTHER IMPORTANT FACTS ABOUT QUEEN DIDDA
(1) Despite being partially disabled and lame in one leg, Didda was far from weak. Chroniclers describe her as physically fragile but possessing extraordinary mental strength, earning her the title “Lioness of Kashmir.” Although she often needed support to walk, she successfully commanded a powerful kingdom, controlled a volatile nobility, and maintained authority in a politically turbulent region.
(2) To secure her rule, Didda initially served as regent for her young son and later for her grandsons. During this time, she ruthlessly eliminated rivals—including members of her own family—ensuring that no one could challenge her authority.
(3) Didda fell in love with a young herdsman named Tunga, whom she elevated to the position of prime minister despite fierce opposition from the aristocracy. Tunga was the son of Bana from the village of Baddivasa in Parnotsa (modern-day Poonch). He initially arrived in Srinagar as a buffalo herdsman and later worked as a “Lekhrakha,” or letter carrier, before rising dramatically to become one of the most powerful men in the kingdom.
(4)
Although chroniclers sometimes portrayed her as a Machiavellian and power-hungry ruler, Didda was also deeply religious. She commissioned more than 64 temples during her reign, including the famous Diddara Matha, reflecting her devotion and patronage of religious architecture.
(5) In a remarkable move for a woman in medieval India, Didda minted coins bearing her own name and assumed the imperial title Maharajadhiraja (King of Kings)—a bold assertion of sovereign authority.
(5) Didda ruled Kashmir until 1003 CE. While some chroniclers claim she defeated Mahmud of Ghazni, historical records show that it was her successor, Samgramaraja, who repelled Ghazni’s invasion in 1015 CE. However, historians credit Didda’s strong, centralised administration and disciplined army—built during her nearly 50-year rule—for making this defence possible.
(6) A skilled strategist in matters of succession, Didda adopted her nephew Samgramaraja as her heir. This decision ensured a smooth transfer of power and established the influential Lohara dynasty, which ruled Kashmir until 1320 CE.

(7) During the 10th century CE, Queen Diddas ruled Kashmir and oversaw the region’s administrative, cultural, and religious activities. During her reign, the Sharada script was widely used, serving as the standard writing system for official records, inscriptions, and grants. Its use in administration ensured continuity in governance, while its presence in religious and cultural documents, such as Sanskrit texts and temple donations, reflected Diddas’ patronage of temples and scholarly activities. Additionally, the script was well-established among scribes and scholars, making it practical for record-keeping and literary purposes. Thus, the Sharada script remained the preferred medium for both administrative and cultural documentation during her rule.

Aurel Stein writes about Queen Didda:-

“The statesmanlike instinct and political ability which we must ascribe to Didda despite all the defects of her character are attested by the fact that she remained to the last in peaceful possession of the Kashmir throne, and was able to bequeath it to her family in undisputed possession.”

( Avtar Mota )


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Tuesday, March 3, 2026

ALBERT CAMUS AND JEAN GRENIER

                                           



ALBERT CAMUS AND JEAN GRENIER 


The literary world has forgotten Albert Camus 's mentor, Jean Grenier (1898-1971). Jean Grenier was a professor of philosophy at the Algiers University when Camus enrolled there for his studies. The influence of the French writer and philosopher upon his student has been exceptionally profound. Grenier introduced Camus to Western philosophical traditions, as well as to the Eastern traditions of Hinduism , Buddhism, and Taoism . His own philosophical work is a blend of these traditions.Meeting the philosophy professor Grenier during the 1930-1931 academic year opened up a new world of books and ideas for Camus. It was Grenier who introduced Camus to the Upanishads and Bhagwad Gita and Advaita of Adi Sankara . 

Grenier introduced  Camus to the works of Russian author Dostoyevsky. Grenier was fascinated by Dostoevsky's work. Like Grenier, Camus was deeply affected by the historical implications of Dostoevsky's thought. The bond became exceptionally close from day one. Grenier also visited his pupil's home after Camus fell sick with a life-threatening bout of tuberculosis. In the posthumously published The First Man, Camus even describes Grenier as a substitute for his absent father .Grenier himself grew up fatherless , the child of divorced parents. He struggled with bronchitis, asthma attacks, and, like Camus, with lifelong precarious health. He must have recognised much in Camus's struggle with life and death. And Camus never hesitated to acknowledge Grenier as the primary source of his inspiration or intellectual upbringing. Grenier too didn't deny his role as mentor, but but also felt uneasy about his own work as Camus's fame grew. 

Once Camus wrote this to Grenier: 

"Thank you also for what you wrote me about La Poste. But I believe less and less that man is innocent. The thing is, my basic reaction is always to stand up against punishment. After the Liberation, I went to see one of those purge trials. The accused was guilty in my eyes. Yet I left the trial before the end because I was with him and I never again went back to a trial of this kind. In every guilty man, there is an innocent part. This is what makes any absolute condemnation revolting. We do not think enough about pain. Man is not innocent and he is not guilty. How to get out of that? At the very least, it seems to me that one must acknowledge it and move on. This is what remains for me to do. And it is then that I will have something less trivial to tell you perhaps. But it’s about solitude and I would like to be sure of my words. And in everything I intend to do, I would be at quite a loss if I could not turn to you. Write to me in spite of my silence. To you and yours, very affectionately."

 Camus provided the preface to a book of Grenier published in 1948 . He wrote :- " He speaks to us only of simple and familiar experiences in a language without affectation. Then he allows us to translate, each at his own convenience. Only in such conditions does art become a gift without obligation." 

 Grenier was Highly Influenced by the concept of Brahman in Indian Vedanta. In his book Le Choix, he explicitly linked the concept of the Absolute to Indian thought. He also published articles in the Nouvelle Revue francaise, where he discussed the merits of studying Indian philosophy, suggesting it could provide a middle path between Western dynamism and Eastern nihilism. In his article, The Charm of the Orient" published in 1925 ,Grenier discusses the benefits of Indian philosophy for the West. He argues that a deeper understanding of this foreign thought could help find a path between the "madness of indefinite change" in the West and the "nothingness" he perceived in Hindu doctrines. Grenier writes : "The Indian thinkers had indeed faced the same fundamental questions as the Greeks, and had come to a significantly different conclusion . Both perceived the dilemma of the human mind: but the Greeks gave more weight to the realm of time , of change, of human values, while their Indian counterparts refused to compromise the purity of the eternal Absolute." As a mentor to Albert Camus, Grenier's interest in Indian philosophy likely influenced his student as well. Sources indicate a clear connection between Indian thought and Camus's own philosophical development, particularly his ideas on the nature of life and the universe. 

(Avtar Mota )









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Monday, March 2, 2026

FOR THE SO CALLED ‘LEGENDARY HISTORIANS’, ‘GREAT RESEARCHERS’ AND ‘ERUDITE SCHOLARS ‘

                                           
      ( AI generated Image of a pseudo Intellectual)
 

FOR THE SO CALLED ‘LEGENDARY HISTORIANS’, ‘GREAT RESEARCHERS’ AND ‘ERUDITE SCHOLARS ‘

 

It is astonishing, and more than a little disquieting, that individuals who possess little to no command of the original languages of the sources they adjudicate have begun to posture as historians and arbiters of cultural memory. The study of the past is neither an exercise in opinion nor a platform for rhetorical display; it is a discipline grounded in linguistic competence, philological discipline, and methodological self-awareness. Without direct engagement with primary texts in their original idiom, without sensitivity to semantic range, historical context, genre conventions, and conceptual vocabulary, interpretation becomes guesswork dressed in academic costume.

Philology is not an ornamental skill but a foundational one. Words do not carry static meanings across centuries; terms shift, categories evolve, metaphors calcify into doctrine, and polemic masquerades as narrative. To read a translation without awareness of what has been lost, compressed, interpolated, or silently interpreted is already to stand at a remove from the text. To then construct sweeping historical theses upon such a fragile base is not merely careless; it is methodologically indefensible.

Equally troubling is the neglect of the historical method. Serious inquiry demands source criticism: attention to provenance, manuscript traditions, interpolations, redactions, and the intellectual milieu within which a text emerged. It requires comparing parallel accounts, assessing internal consistency, and recognising the genre, whether one is dealing with mythic cosmology, dynastic chronicle, ritual prescription, or political polemic. To collapse these distinctions is to flatten the past into caricature.

Yet we increasingly witness pronouncements delivered with theatrical confidence, where superficial familiarity substitutes for sustained study. Ignorance, when amplified through popular platforms, is too easily mistaken for clarity; reductionism is mistaken for boldness. This is not historiographical revision: revision presupposes mastery. It is, rather, a distortion born of inadequate preparation and sustained by ideological convenience.

Such intellectual trespass does not merely produce error; it corrodes standards. It encourages the belief that historical complexity is an obstacle to be swept aside rather than a reality to be confronted. Civilisations are not slogans; they are layered accumulations of language, thought, ritual, conflict, accommodation, and memory. To reduce them to digestible polemics for immediate applause is to substitute performance for scholarship.

 

If history is to retain its integrity, it must insist upon competence before commentary, discipline before declaration, and humility before hypothesis. Anything less risks transforming the study of the past into an echo chamber where conviction outruns comprehension and certainty supplants evidence.

I trust that the three authors who recently forwarded their books for my review have taken due note of the standards I have set out. Those norms are not rhetorical embellishments but governing principles that determine the allocation of my time and energy. In light of them, I may not be in a position to undertake formal reviews of their works, and I convey this decision with sincere regret.

The matter is neither personal nor dismissive; it is informed by learned ethics and by the sober recognition that time is a finite and rapidly diminishing resource. The demands of ongoing writings are pressing, and it becomes imperative to devote one’s remaining energies to work that advances substantive enquiry. As the years gather pace, discernment in the use of one’s time is no longer optional; it is a responsibility.

 I repeat: serious scholarship demands reciprocity of rigour. Without it, critique risks slipping into either unnecessary polemic or undue charity. I prefer neither. Intellectual engagement worthy of the name must rest upon shared methodological discipline, demonstrable command of sources, and conceptual clarity. Where such symmetry is absent, restraint, however regrettable, remains the more honest and responsible course.

 

( Avtar Mota )


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Friday, February 27, 2026

KASHMIRI PANDITS IN BHADERWAH

                               


 
                    
  
                            







           ( Dussehra In Bhaderwah Photo D K Dogra )
            

KASHMIRI PANDITS IN BHADERWAH

 

Bhaderwah is a mountain valley town in Doda district within the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. Located approximately 80 km from Batote, the town occupies a high-altitude basin characterised by alpine meadows and dense coniferous forests. Like the Kashmir Valley, Bhaderwah has four distinct seasons: the snowy winter, pleasant spring with greenery and flowers, mild summers, and golden autumn when every leaf becomes a flower. The onset of spring coincides with the beginning of a vibrant festive period in the district. Among the region’s most significant religious events is the Kailash Yatra, an important Hindu pilgrimage that draws devotees from across northern India and contributes to the area’s ritual landscape.

Climatically, Bhaderwah offers relatively mild summers, with temperatures typically ranging between 18°C and 32°C, distinguishing it from the hotter plains of northern India. This temperate climate, combined with dramatic mountain scenery, positions the valley as a seasonal retreat.

Often referred to as “Chhota Kashmir” (Little Kashmir), Bhaderwah is noted for its striking natural beauty and composite cultural fabric shaped by diverse communities and long-standing traditions. Local fairs, seasonal festivals, and agrarian practices remain integral to public life, reflecting a dynamic interaction between ecology, belief, and social identity. In Bhaderwah, one finds Kashmiri Pandits, Kashmiri-speaking Muslims, Gaddis, Thakkars, Wazirs, Dogras, Kotwals, Parihars, Chib Rajputs, Manhas Rajputs, Khatris, Mahajans, and Bhaderwahi-speaking locals of other tribes and castes living in peace and harmony. It may reasonably be described as a melting pot of cultures and civilisations. Bhaderwah has a high literacy rate across all communities. The Government Degree College was started in the town in 1955 during the rule of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad. The University of Jammu has its Campus in Bhaderwah.

Migration of Kashmiri Artisans

Recurring famines in Kashmir, especially the devastating famine of 1877–79, played a critical role in accelerating the migration of the Kashmiri Muslims. Starvation deaths, economic collapse, and lack of subsistence forced many artisan families to seek survival outside Kashmir. While heavy taxation on shawl production under successive regimes did contribute to hardships, it was not the primary driver. Rather, state patronage in Punjab (which included areas of the Western Himalayas), combined with famine-induced distress, made migration both attractive and necessary for Kashmiri Muslim artisans. The 19th-century migration of Kashmiri Muslim artisans—especially shawl weavers—to Punjab and the erstwhile Western Himalayan hilly states can largely be attributed to external invitation and opportunity. After conquering Kashmir in 1819, Maharaja Ranjit Singh actively encouraged skilled Kashmiri weavers to relocate to Punjab, particularly to Amritsar and Lahore, to establish and strengthen the shawl industry there. His policy aimed at harnessing their renowned craftsmanship for the prosperity of the Sikh Empire. Following the British annexation of Punjab in 1849, colonial authorities further supported the settlement of these artisans. The British sought closer supervision of production and easier access to export markets, providing relatively stable commercial conditions compared to the uncertainty of the Valley.

 Historically, Bhaderwah was an important town on the old Shawl Route of Kashmir. This route extended from Srinagar – Anantnag – Daksum – Kishtwar – Bhaderwah –Sarthal- Basohli – Chamba, and onward to the hilly kingdoms of the present-day Himachal Pradesh. During the nineteenth century, Kashmiri shawl weavers and craftsmen travelled along this route to Basohli, Jasrota, Nurpur, Chamba and the plains of Punjab adjoining the Western Himalayas. The Basohli area of Kathua district has had a long-standing relationship with Kashmir. The pashmina shawl industry continues to flourish in Basohli town to this day. Even the Rajas of Jasrota (Kathua) patronised Kashmiri craftsmen, particularly shawl-weavers. I was surprised to find many Kashmiri speaking Muslim families living peacefully in the beautiful  Lowang village of district Kathua in Jammu division. The village falls between Bani and Sarthal . Certainly , the ancestors of these residents were the migrant artisans from Kashmir who had moved to this area.

                                                 

                 ( Sarthal Valley near Bhaderwah )
        ( The beautiful Lowang village )

Migration and Settlement of Kashmiri Pandits

The migration of Kashmiri Pandits followed a different trajectory. The Pandits largely moved out due to suppression during the Mughal and Afghan rule in the Kashmir valley. Pandits who migrated were often well versed in scriptures, astrology, Sanskrit, Persian, manuscript writing and religious miniature art.

According to the noted writer Bashir Bhadarwahi, Raja Partap Singh of the Pal dynasty visited Kashmir for education and subsequently invited several learned Pandit families to Bhaderwah. Appointed as Rajgurus (royal priests and advisers), these families were granted agricultural land by the ruling house. Patterns of landholding established during this period continued for generations and shaped the socio-economic standing of the community.

Bhaderwah also served as a transitional refuge for families moving further south into the hilly states across the Ravi River. The migration routes extended through Basohli into Chamba and adjoining territories. As a result, Kashmiri Pandit lineages of similar origin are found across the Ravi in various towns of the present-day Himachal Pradesh, preserving surnames, ritual practices, and elements of linguistic heritage tied to their ancestral homeland.

One distinguished lineage associated with this migration was the Raina family. From this family emerged renowned painters such as Shiv Raina, Nainsukh, Manaku, Nikka, Ranjha and many more who played a transformative role in the development of Pahari miniature art in the courts of Basohli, Guler, Jasrota, Nurpur, Chamba and many other hilly kingdoms. Their artistic achievements remain among the most significant cultural legacies of the Kashmiri diaspora in the western Himalayas.

Cultural Continuity and Social Integration

Over successive generations, the Kashmiri Pandits of Bhaderwah maintained their linguistic, ritual, and religious traditions while gradually assimilating elements of local Bhaderwahi culture. Interactions with neighbouring communities fostered a distinctive yet composite regional identity that balanced continuity with adaptation. The community became prominent in education, administration, scholarship, jurisprudence, literature, public service, and political leadership. Several families produced individuals who left a lasting imprint on the civic and intellectual life of Bhaderwah and beyond.

Key Families and Fields of Contribution

The Koul Family

The Koul family has been associated with scholarship, education, and public life.

Ruchir Kumar Koul, Mandal President of the Bharatiya Janata Party in Bhaderwah, was a prominent community leader whose assassination by jihadi terrorists in 1994 marked a significant moment in the town’s contemporary history. Professor Pritam Krishan Koul distinguished himself as a historian and author, notably through his scholarly work, Himalayan Principalities in Jammu, Kangra and Bhadarwah. Professor Shiv Kumar Koul and Mrs Krishna Koul contributed to education by establishing a senior secondary institution in Bhaderwah.

The Razdan Family

Faqir Chand Razdan was associated with the Bharatiya Jana Sangh and served as President of the Sanatan Dharma Sabha in Bhaderwah. Manjit Razdan, an advocate and political leader linked to the Bharatiya Janata Party, has served in party leadership roles at the Union Territory level. He was also an independent director on the Board of Directors of State Trading Corporation. Professor Kameshwar Nath Razdan is recognised locally for fostering progressive intellectual engagement. Pushkar Nath Razdan served in the judicial services. Varinder Razdan served as President of Sanatan Dharm Sabha

The Mattoo Family

Sham Lal Mattoo and Maharaj Krishan Mattoo served as principals of educational institutions. Advocate Rishi Kumar Mattoo founded a higher secondary school in Udhampur. Lal Chand Sharma (Mattoo) ‘Amar’ earned recognition as a poet, and his son Chander Kant Sharma ‘Amardeep’ continued this literary and educational tradition.

The Rajguru Family

Traditionally associated with hereditary priestly functions, the Rajguru family maintained ceremonial responsibilities historically linked to offerings attributed to the Mughal emperor Akbar to the deity Vasuki Nag through Raja Nag Pal in 1580 AD. Dr Sanjeev Kaul, researcher in mushroom cultivation, belongs to this family.

The Zutshi Family

Daya Nand Zutshi served as Vice Principal of St. Xavier’s School, Delhi, before founding a travel enterprise in New Delhi and establishing Surya Hotel, one of Bhaderwah’s early modern hotels. The hotel is presently managed by his son, Ravi Zutshi.

The Saraf and Dhar Families

Members of these families have been active in public administration, political organisation, and social service at district and regional levels.Sanjay Saraf is presently the District General Secretary of the BJP in Doda.

Conclusion

The Kashmiri Pandits of Bhaderwah constitute a historically rooted, culturally resilient, and socially influential community. Emerging from waves of migration shaped by political upheavals in Kashmir, they consolidated their presence as scholars, priests, landholders, educators, administrators, artists, and public leaders. Their legacy extended beyond Bhaderwah, forming part of a broader Himalayan narrative that linked the Kashmir Valley with the erstwhile hilly kingdoms across the Ravi River. Through sustained contributions to religion, education, scholarship, public service, literature, law, politics, and social life, the Kashmiri Pandits of Bhaderwah have played an enduring role in shaping the intellectual and cultural landscape of the place.

 (Avtar Mota)

PS

Apart from my personal visits to the place, I remain indebted to D. K. Dogra (author, photographer, prolific traveller, my esteemed friend, and former colleague in the bank) for providing specific details about the Kashmiri Pandit families of Bhaderwah. Without his support and assistance, this write-up would not have been possible.

 



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INTERPRETING A COUPLET OF MIR TAQI MIR ( 1723-1810)

                                            



INTERPRETING A COUPLET OF   MIR TAQI MIR ( 1723-1810)


Mir Taqi Mir's poetry is a reflection of life's complexities. Exploring themes of love, loss, and the human condition, his verses are a blend of emotional depth and philosophical insight. Through his verses, Mir invites readers to introspect and seek truth. He was one of the principal poets of the Delhi School of the Urdu Ghazal and is often remembered as one of the greatest poets of the Urdu language. Ghalib considered him a great master when he said," Rekhte ke tum hi ustaad nahin ho Ghalib, Kehte hain agle zamaane mein koyi Mir bhi tha ". Mir spent the latter part of his life in the court of Nawab  Asaf-ud-Daulah in Lucknow. Let me take up the couplet for interpretation through various prisms of thought.


Bekhudi le gayi kahaan hum ko

Der se intezaar hai apna  ......Mir Taqi Mir 


(The selflessness  brought by  this intoxication  has brought me to a strange place, 

While I am  waiting since long time to meet my real self.)


Bekhudi" denotes a state of being lost in the external world, resulting in the forgetfulness of one's true Self , rather than mere intoxication. Urdu poetry employs "Bekhudi" with varied connotations; for instance, Mir's interpretation appears to lean towards longing, whereas Ghalib's treatment is more nuanced, and Iqbal's perspective differs from both. The multiple interpretations of "Bekhudi" in Urdu poetry underscore the complexity of this concept within various traditions. Mir Taqi Mir's couplet "Bekhudi le gai kahaan humko, Der se intezaar hai apna" resonates profoundly with the philosophical underpinnings of Advaita Vedanta and the Upanishads.


Mir's usage of "Bekhudi" captures the jiva's (individual self) immersion in worldly experiences, leading to the obscuration of its true nature (Atman), and the consequent yearning to reconnect with it ("apna"). This aligns with the Advaita Vedantic notion of realising one's true Self (Atman) as non-dual Brahman.


The couplet captures the human condition of being lost in the external world (māyā) and forgetting one's true Self (Atman), only to yearn for it later. In Advaita Vedanta, this true Self (Atman) is identical with the ultimate reality, Brahman. The jiva's (individual self) journey is to transcend ignorance (avidya) and realize its true nature.


The Upanishads, foundational texts of Advaita Vedanta, proclaim "Tat Tvam Asi" (Thou art That), emphasising the non-dual nature of Atman and Brahman. Mir's "apna" signifies this inner Self, the Atman, which is beyond the realm of duality and the influences of maya. The longing for "apna" reflects the soul's innate desire to reconnect with its true, supreme nature.


In Advaita, this realisation dawns through knowledge (Gyana) and renunciation (vairagya). As Shankaracharya, a key proponent of Advaita, states, "Brahma satyam jagan mithya" (Brahman is real, the world is unreal). The jiva's search for "apna" is essentially the search for Brahman, the ultimate reality.


Nagarjuna, the founder of Madhyamaka Buddhism, would perhaps view this couplet through the lens of emptiness (shunyata). He might say that the concept of "apna" (self) is also empty of inherent existence, and it's this very emptiness that allows for the possibility of liberation. The longing for "apna" is a manifestation of the fundamental drive towards realising the ultimate truth, which is beyond all conceptual frameworks.


The Mundaka Upanishad (2.2.11) describes the Atman as "akshara" (imperishable) and "para" (supreme), the essence of all beings. Mir's couplet echoes this Upanishadic truth, capturing the tension between ignorance and self-realisation. The realisation of the non-dual Atman brings liberation (moksha) from the cycle of birth and death (samsara).


The couplet's beauty lies in its expression of the soul's yearning for self-realisation, a theme central to Advaita and Upanishadic philosophy.


( Avtar Mota )



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CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
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Tuesday, February 24, 2026

REVIEW OF BANDHAK: A NOVEL IN HINDI BY KSHAMA KAUL

                                         





BOOK REVIEW                                                          

BANDHAK: A NOVEL IN HINDI BY KSHAMA KAUL

 PUBLISHER PRALEK PRAKASHAN, MUMBAI

PUBLISHED IN JANUARY 2026

PRICE RS.399/-

PAGES 321

AVAILABLE ON AMAZON AND FLIPKART

 

BANDHAK (The Hostage): Literature, Memory, and the Politics of Return


Bandhak is a rigorous work of contemporary Hindi literature that examines displacement, return, and the precarious condition of minority existence in post-conflict Kashmir. Neither a conventional novel nor a memoir, the text inhabits an interstitial space between narrative fiction, testimonial writing, civilisational reflection, and political inquiry. Through the experiences of its central character, Sarsij Bhatt, the book interrogates how historical violence persists not merely through memory, but through institutions, policy frameworks, and the internalisation of fear.

The title Bandhak, literally “hostage”, is not merely metaphorical. It names a structural condition. The novel argues that displacement does not conclude with exile, and rehabilitation does not necessarily restore freedom. Return itself may constitute a renewed captivity, shaped by surveillance, conditional belonging, bureaucratic rigidity, and enforced silence.

Narrative Structure, Landscape, and the Burden of Belonging

The narrative follows Sarsij Bhatt, a young Kashmiri Hindu employed in Kashmir under a government rehabilitation scheme for displaced Pandits. Officially, the programme represents reintegration and development. Within the novel, however, it becomes a lens through which power relations are laid bare. Fixed postings, the prohibition of transfers, compelled residence in vulnerable areas, and the symbolic burden of “return” tether individuals to trauma-marked spaces without guaranteeing dignity or security.

Rather than progressing linearly, Bandhak unfolds episodically. Present-day experiences — travel through villages, conversations with colleagues, expressions on social media, quiet domestic tensions — interweave with inherited memories and civilisational recollections. The instability of narrative time mirrors the instability of belonging itself. Home, in this text, is neither fully lost nor securely reclaimed.

One of the most remarkable features of Bandhak is the author’s lyrical treatment of landscape. Kashmir is not a backdrop; it is a character. The Valley breathes within the narrative. Few contemporary works render Kashmir with such intimate observational precision. Fields, canals, temples, courtyards, mountain roads, and quiet village shrines appear with sensory clarity. Yet the landscape is never merely scenic; it is inscribed with violence, contested memory, and altered ownership.

The novel is suffused with vivid and often nostalgic evocations of Kashmiri civilisational life. The author invokes Nandikeshwar, Gangabal, Nandakol, Bhuteshwara Tirtha (now in ruins), Sumbal village, and Tulamula not as passing references but as sacred coordinates of memory. Kahva shared in winter courtyards, the deep rhythm of tumbhaknaris, the collective devotion of bhajan mandlis, and the murmuring of village streams emerge as aide-mémoire anchors. These are not decorative cultural details; they restore texture, sound, and continuity to a world disrupted by forced exile. What has been displaced is not only a population but an entire cultural ecosystem.

Sarsij’s impulse to document the land through videos, photography, and digital archiving is framed as a simple act of love and belonging. Yet even aesthetic appreciation carries risk. Visibility becomes political. Claim becomes provocation. To return is to reclaim; to reclaim is to expose oneself. The land anchors identity while simultaneously amplifying vulnerability. In this unsettling paradox, the landscape itself participates in Sarsij’s captivity.

Survival, Policy, and Ethical Ambiguity

A central analytical thread in Bandhak is the politics of survival. Survival here is not passive endurance but a disciplined practice: politeness, strategic restraint, calibrated speech, and deliberate invisibility. Through conversations between Sarsij and his father, the novel reveals how minorities internalise caution as instinct.

Speech is never neutral; it is weighed for consequence. Social media posts become acts of risk. Casual remarks carry existential stakes. What the novel exposes, with chilling clarity, is the normalisation of self-censorship as a survival mechanism.

Rehabilitation narratives come under scrutiny without resorting to sloganeering. The Prime Minister’s Employment Package for Kashmiri Hindus, officially a policy of return, is examined through lived reality. Fixed postings, restricted mobility, exposure without structural protection, and symbolic reintegration without substantive security emerge as conditions that may reproduce captivity in another form. Employment, housing, and infrastructure are portrayed as insufficient when divorced from dignity and safety.

The author is unsparing. Responsibility is neither simplified nor narrowly assigned. Politicians, terrorists, separatists, land-grabbers, opportunistic schemers, hate-mongers, planners, and those occupying influential positions within both state and Union structures are all placed within the field of ethical accountability. This is not rhetorical outrage; it is systemic indictment. The novel suggests that structural vulnerability persists as much through policy design and administrative indifference as through overt violence.

One of the most powerful sections of the work concerns Sarsij’s visit to his ancestral village and his interactions with Muslim residents who now inhabit that social space. These encounters are rendered with remarkable restraint and psychological precision. Even encounters charged with affection are layered with ambiguity. When Sarasij meets former neighbours who welcome him warmly, nostalgia and discomfort intermingle. Are these gestures sincere attempts at reconciliation? Expressions of guilt? Polite diplomacy? The novel refuses to simplify human behaviour. Instead, it reveals how shared past and divided present coexist uneasily.

Hospitality and menace coexist. Warmth is inseparable from uncertainty. Offers of milk, recognition, conversation, and genuinely human gestures are shadowed by memory and asymmetry. The villagers are neither demonised nor romanticised; they are themselves shaped by loss, pressure, and history.

The ethical complexity here is one of the novel’s greatest strengths. Bandhak refuses the comfort of binaries. Trust is shown to be structurally fragile, even when individuals desire it. Conflict is not reduced to caricature; instead, it is revealed as something that corrodes everyday human relations at the most intimate level.

The author demonstrates an extraordinary command of narrative technique in her portrayal of the hostage-like existence endured by PM Package employees. Without resorting to polemics, rhetorical excess, or the predictable binaries of accusation and defence, she documents deeply sensitive episodes — including the reported change of faith by some PM Package women employees and the tragic killings of Amrit Kaur, Rahul Bhat, and Rajneesh Sharma, with unsparing yet disciplined clarity. Nothing essential is withheld; yet nothing is sensationalised.

What distinguishes her craft is not merely the courage to confront painful realities, but the rare intellectual restraint with which she renders them. The truth in her narrative operates on multiple registers: explicit in detail, implicit in implication, raw in fact, yet refined in articulation. Through a synthesis of moral steadiness, acute sociological observation, and aesthetic control, Kshama Kaul transforms reportage into reflective literature.

Her handling of facts reveals an observer of exceptional depth, one who perceives beyond event to pattern, beyond incident to structure. She does not manipulate emotion; she cultivates understanding. In doing so, she establishes herself not merely as bold but as monumental, a literary presence marked by Himalayan clarity, scale, and composure.

Memory, Style, and Literary Significance

Memory in Bandhak is not nostalgia; it is a burden. Sarsij inherits stories of temples desecrated, water springs abandoned, rituals interrupted, and homes vacated under duress. These narratives constitute civilisational memory. To relinquish them would mean erasing identity itself. The novel poignantly depicts how memory functions within displaced communities, not merely as recollection but as an identity anchor. Stories told by Sarasij’s grandfather about wells, village deities, ancestral rituals, and miraculous survival moments provide continuity where physical presence was severed. These tales are not decorative folklore; they are acts of preservation. Equally powerful is the author’s use of silence. Some of the most intense scenes are marked by stillness, Sarasij standing before ruins, unable to articulate what surges inside him. The absence of dramatic outbursts enhances authenticity. This stylistic choice reflects artistic maturity; the writer trusts emotional understatement over theatricality. There is a distinctive sensitivity in her treatment of pain. Rather than portraying suffering through spectacle, she renders it through memory, silence, and gesture. This stylistic choice imbues the novel with quiet power. The emotional effect lingers long after reading because it is never forced. The courage of the novel lies also in its insistence on remembering. Silence has often surrounded displacement. By transforming suppressed history into art, the author restores narrative agency to a marginalised experience. Yet she does so without sacrificing empathy or complexity. The emotional register remains controlled, thoughtful, reflective.

The novel insists that genocide and ethnic cleansing are not singular episodes but prolonged processes, extended through economic marginalisation, cultural erasure, property dispossession, and compelled forgetting. The erosion of confidence: religious, linguistic, and historical, is portrayed as devastation deeper than physical displacement. Religious and mythological motifs surface throughout the text, not as dogmatic assertions but as repositories of continuity. Faith operates as both an interpretive framework and a resistance against epistemic erasure. Spiritual memory becomes a counter-archive.

Stylistically, Bandhak is dense, reflective, and intellectually disciplined. The prose is measured and recursive, mirroring the circular rhythms of trauma. Interior reflection takes precedence over conventional plot propulsion. For readers expecting minimalist brevity, the work may demand patience. Yet its form is inseparable from its argument: unresolved history cannot be narrated in simplistic arcs.

The author demonstrates notable moral courage and literary control. There is no aesthetic softening, no rhetorical evasion. With rare seriousness and composure, she transforms historical trauma into sustained philosophical inquiry. Her command of memory, language, and political nuance marks this work as a significant contribution to contemporary Hindi literature. The narrative does not seek catharsis; it seeks clarity. Her command over pacing is equally notable. The narrative unfolds gradually, allowing readers to absorb the atmosphere before confronting devastation. This measured rhythm mirrors the process of returning itself: slow, cautious, layered.

From a journalistic perspective, Bandhak is striking for its refusal to dilute lived experience for the sake of balance. It interrogates official discourse surrounding rehabilitation and asks whether administrative inclusion equates to justice. It questions whether returning without security constitutes restoration or exposure.

The book will provoke disagreement. It will unsettle readers across ideological positions. Yet its value lies precisely in this discomfort. It expands the literary archive by documenting a narrative often marginalised or reduced to abstraction. This is not polemic; it is testimony sharpened by intellect.

Bandhak is a serious, unsettling, and intellectually demanding work. It documents a condition of constrained existence, where return does not restore freedom and survival requires permanent vigilance. In refusing simplification, the author performs an act of uncommon intellectual honesty. She spares none who participate in the perpetuation of injustice, yet she avoids caricature. She renders memory without sentimentality and politics without hysteria. As literature, Bandhak expands the moral and thematic range of contemporary Hindi writing. As testimony, it preserves suppressed histories with disciplined clarity. As a critique, it raises foundational questions about justice, state responsibility, and the meaning of belonging in the aftermath of unresolved violence. The book positions itself not merely as a novel, but as the record of an unfinished history, one that refuses closure because reality itself remains unresolved. In doing so, the author establishes herself as a writer of bold moral vision, stylistic rigour, and rare clarity: an unmistakable and courageous voice in contemporary Indian letters.

Addressing the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits is inevitably politically charged. Yet the author approaches the subject with courage tempered by balance. Rather than constructing rigid binaries of victim and villain, she presents layered human portraits. Bandhak is not merely a novel about displacement. It is a testament to resilience, a meditation on belonging, and an artistic triumph shaped by a writer whose sensitivity, discipline, and narrative strength deserve praise.

(Avtar Mota )

 



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