CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
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Literary and Cultural Writeups .
BAIOCCHI CLASSICI BISCUITS IN PARIS
I have developed a taste for Baiocchi biscuits available in various stores in Paris. Baiocchi Classici are a brilliant example of what Mulino Bianco does best: proper, nostalgic Italian baking with real flavour and no nonsense. You get two beautifully golden, buttery shortbread biscuits that are crumbly yet sturdy enough for dunking. The top one is stamped with that charming “Baiocchi” smiley face and five little holes, a proper bit of design that makes them instantly recognisable. Inside is a generous, silky layer of hazelnut and cocoa cream made from sustainably sourced hazelnuts. The taste is superbly balanced. The biscuit isn’t too sweet, which lets the rich, nutty cream shine without becoming sickly like some chocolate spreads. Mulino Bianco also make a point of using no palm oil, which matters to anyone who cares about ingredients and flavour. They’re marketed as a breakfast biscuit for dunking in your morning coffee or milk, and they absolutely excel at that, though they’re just as good as a mid-afternoon treat with an espresso. Simple, well made, and properly moreish. Once you open the pack it’s hard to stop at just one. In Paris, I munch two after the dinner is over.
Founded in 1974 as a subsidiary of Barilla, Mulino Bianco was created to bring artisanal-style baked goods to Italian households. The brand quickly rose to prominence, becoming a staple in kitchens across the country and has now swept market across Europe .This Italian bakery brand produces biscuits, snacks, breads and cakes. Giovanni Maestri created the brand to differentiate Barilla's production, historically linked only to pasta.
( Avtar Mota )
A significant developmental stage in this lineage is represented by Jeu Provençal, a regional French variant that preceded modern pétanque. In Jeu Provençal, players first delineate a throwing circle on the ground and subsequently propel a small target ball, known as the cochonnet (or bouchon), to a distance typically ranging between 12 and 20 metres. Competitors then attempt to place their own boules as close as possible to this target. The throwing technique is distinguished by a dynamic approach, in which the player may step out of the circle in any direction and execute the throw while balancing on one leg, thereby incorporating a run-up and airborne delivery of the boule.
The transition from Jeu Provençal to modern petanque is commonly dated to the early twentieth century, particularly around 1907 in La Ciotat, France. In this context, Jules Lenoir is frequently credited in traditional accounts with contributing to the adaptation of the game. According to this narrative, physical limitations experienced by a player prompted the modification of the rules to eliminate the running approach. The resulting form required participants to remain stationary within a fixed circle, maintaining both feet on the ground while delivering the boule. This constraint is etymologically reflected in the term pétanque, derived from the Provençal expression ped tancats (“feet planted”). Collectively, these modifications transformed Jeu Provençal into a more static and accessible discipline, establishing the foundational structure of contemporary pétanque as it is practised today.
Book Review:.... Flameguard: Fire Safety Management by Kanwal Peshin
Publisher: ...BFC Publications, Lucknow
Price:.....₹155
Fire safety is not my subject. Yet , Flameguard held me like a novel. Kanwal Peshin’s style is plain, urgent, and human. Published by BFC Publications, the work is structured as a six-chapter manual aimed at facility managers, safety officers, policymakers, and ordinary citizens who bear responsibility for fire prevention. He says systems are useless if people don’t use them. Kanwal’s central thesis is straightforward yet critical: “No matter how good active and passive fire protection systems you have in place, they all become useless once the people who are supposed to use the installed safety tools and systems are unaware of how to use them in an emergency”. This human-factor focus distinguishes Flameguard from purely technical codes and positions it as a management guide rather than an engineering textbook.
The book is a practitioner-oriented text that tackles one of India’s most under-addressed public safety crises: fire-related fatalities. It opens with a sobering statistic that immediately frames its urgency: “Due to fire and related causes in India itself, almost 25,000 fatalities occur every year. On an average, around 21 males and 42 females die each day”. The book is divided into six chapters that progress logically from problem identification to solutions:
Chapter 1: "Introduction to Fire Safety in India" sets the stage by defining fire as a universal hazard: “Fire is something that can be expected at any structure, maybe at your home, at your workplace, in a hospital, or in public places, almost anywhere”. It emphasises that fire “would certainly have the potential to cause harm to its occupants and severe property damage”. This chapter establishes that fire safety is not a niche concern for factories but a daily risk in all occupancies.
Chapter 2: "The Problem" quantifies India’s fire burden. The gendered imbalance :42 female deaths vs 21 male deaths daily , points to domestic hazards like LPG cylinders and electrical faults in homes that differ from industrial risks dominant in Western texts.
Chapter 3: "Prevention Strategy" moves from diagnosis to action. The author’s emphasis on “day-to-day management” indicates a focus on routine, low-cost interventions: risk assessment, housekeeping, electrical safety, and behavioural protocols rather than expensive retrofits.
Chapter 4: "Legislations" addresses the regulatory framework. India’s fire safety landscape is fragmented across the National Building Code, state Fire Service Acts, and NDMA guidelines. Placement of legislation after prevention suggests Kanwal believes compliance alone is insufficient without cultural change.
Chapter 5: "Fire Safety Audit" operationalises the strategy. Audits are presented as diagnostic tools: “it is every individual’s responsibility to identify flaws in the fire safety procedures”. The chapter likely provides checklists for egress, extinguishers, alarms, and evacuation drills.
Chapter 6: "Fire Safety Awareness" is the book’s philosophical core. Kanwal argues that systems fail when users are untrained: “unaware of how to use them in an emergency and are unaware of the significance of the use of such systems”. The solution is “a proper fire safety management programme should be established in the building”. For 100% safety, “a healthy fire safety management system is essential”. This chapter elevates the book from a manual to a manifesto for behavioural change.
Strengths of the Book
Most Indian fire safety literature is code-driven, dense with NBC clauses and IS standards. Flameguard pivots to the user. By stating that management is “basically a day-to-day management concept for aligning a building’s fire safety procedures in place so that they can be used at the time of need”, Kanwal makes the subject accessible to non-engineers. This is vital in a country where 25,000 lives are lost yearly, often in homes, schools, and hospitals lacking dedicated fire officers.
The book is unapologetically India-specific. Citing the annual toll grounds the discussion in local reality, highlighting risks : kitchen fires, garment fires, and short circuits that demand context-aware solutions.
The emphasis on audits, awareness, and management systems gives readers actionable tools. The line, “No matter how good active and passive fire protection systems you have” is a reality check for builders who install sprinklers but never conduct drills. Kanwal’s insistence on individual responsibility “it is every individual’s responsibility” democratises safety.
Flameguard fills a critical gap between the National Building Code and on-ground behaviour. Its ideal readers are:
Facility Managers: For implementing daily checklists and training programmes.
Housing Societies/RWAs : To understand that sprinklers are useless if residents don’t know evacuation routes.
Hospital/School Administrators: Where the domestic fire death data suggests institutional overlap.
Policy Makers: To see that legislation without awareness campaigns fails.
Critical Assessment And Conclusion
Kanwal succeeds in reframing fire safety from a hardware problem to a management problem. The core insight that “a healthy fire safety management system is essential” for 100% safety is empirically sound. NCRB data show most fire deaths in India stem from failure of evacuation and first aid, not absence of extinguishers. Flameguard is a timely, necessary primer for India’s fire safety ecosystem. In a country losing 25,000 lives yearly, Kanwal’s human-centric argument is both ethical and practical. The book won’t replace technical codes, but it ensures those codes don’t gather dust. Its message is blunt and necessary: systems don’t save lives; people using systems do. For any Indian institution serious about preventing the next headline tragedy, establishing the “proper fire safety management programme” Kanwal advocates is step one.
Flameguard is not a code book. It is a call to account. Builders, residents, planners and anyone with a key to any door should read it. Kanwal delivers what 1000-page manuals cannot: clarity in 79 pages. He begins with the arithmetic of neglect: 25,000 lives a year. He ends with a system you can start before sundown.
(Avtar Mota)
IMMANUEL KANT(1724-1804) ON HAPPINESS
"Something to do, someone to love, and something to hope for”...Immanuel Kant
The triadic formula “Something to do, someone to love, and something to hope for” is almost universally attributed to Immanuel Kant, but there’s no evidence he ever wrote it. The earliest sources point instead to 19th-century Scottish thinkers like Thomas Chalmers or the essayist Richard Sharp. The misattribution is itself philosophically interesting: we want Kant, the austere moralist, to sound warm and practical, because the quote captures ordinary psychological wisdom. But Kant’s actual project in ethics was to separate morality from happiness altogether, and that contrast is instructive.
For Kant, happiness means “the condition of a rational being in the world with whom everything goes according to his wish and will.” The problem is that wishes are empirical, subjective, and shifting. What makes me happy today might make you miserable, and even I can’t predict what will satisfy me next year. So Kant argues that we cannot build a universal moral law on such unstable ground. If your maxim is “I’ll keep promises only when it makes me happy,” that can’t be willed as a universal law, because it would destroy the practice of promising. That’s why Kant grounds ethics in the 'Categorical Imperative': act only on maxims you could will to be universal laws, regardless of what you desire. Commands aimed at happiness are merely 'hypothetical imperatives' “if you want X, do Y” , and they lack moral authority.
Yet Kant doesn’t banish happiness. In the ,"Critique of Practical Reason" he introduces the "highest good” : a world where virtue and happiness are proportioned, so the morally best people are also the most flourishing. Because we don’t see that correlation in experience, practical reason must “postulate” God and immortality to make the highest good possible. This is where “hope” enters Kant’s system, but it’s rational hope, not wishful thinking. It’s the assumption we need to avoid seeing morality as futile. Kant also admits an indirect duty to promote our own happiness in 'Metaphysics of Morals". Not because happiness is good in itself, but because extreme misery, illness, or poverty are “great temptations to transgress duty.” A starving person finds it harder to be honest; an exhausted parent finds it harder to be patient. So prudence serves morality.
If we run the popular triad through Kant’s framework, each term gets a moral upgrade. “Something to do” becomes more than busywork. In ,"Groundwork" , Kant says we have a duty to develop our talents, because a world of idle people can’t be universally willed. So your work must be morally permissible and contribute to your own perfection. “Someone to love” has to pass the 'Formula of Humanity': treat people as ends in themselves, never merely as means. Kant distinguishes pathological love or affection you feel from practical love, and the duty of benevolence. You can’t be commanded to like someone, but you can be commanded not to exploit them. Love grounded in use or sentiment alone fails the test. “Something to hope for” for Kant isn’t a raise or a vacation. It’s the hope that the moral order makes sense, that virtue isn’t ultimately absurd. That’s why he calls the postulates of God and immortality “matters of faith” required by practical reason.
Kant gives us normative ethics : constraints that prevent those three from collapsing into self-interest or harm. Purpose without duty can be cruelty. Love without respect can be manipulation. Hope without reason can be delusion. Kant’s coldness is really a demand for integrity. He wants us not to use happiness to justify wrong actions, and don’t let our pursuit of happiness undermine the dignity of persons. In that sense, Kant doesn’t reject the triad; he disciplines it. He would agree one needs something to do, someone to love, and something to hope for , but only if each is held to the standard of the moral law.
Immanuel Kant was born on April 22, 1724, in Königsberg, Prussia ,modern-day Kaliningrad, Russia to a Pietist artisan family.His father was a harness maker and his mother Anna Regina raised him with strict religious discipline. At age 8 he entered the Collegium Fridericianum for Latin and theology, then enrolled at the University of Konigsberg in 1740 at age 16, where he studied philosophy, mathematics, and physics under Martin Knutzen, who introduced him to Newton and the Leibniz-Wolff rationalist tradition. After his father’s death in 1746, Kant left without a degree and spent 9 years as a private tutor for families near Konigsberg. He returned in 1755, earning his Magister degree . He lectured for 15 years on metaphysics, logic, ethics, geography, and anthropology before being appointed professor of logic and metaphysics at Konigsberg in 1770. Kant’s critical philosophy later shaped German Idealists like Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel, who developed his ideas on freedom and reason. Schopenhauer called his book , "Critique of Pure Reason" as the “the most important
book ever written”. Later Neo-Kantians like Hermann Cohen and Ernst Cassirer in the 19th–20th centuries; and 20th-century figures including Hannah Arendt in political theory, John Rawls in ethics with his Kantian conception of justice, and Jurgen Habermas in discourse ethics brought his philosophy . His work remains foundational in epistemology, ethics, and aesthetics.
KANT AND BHAGWAD GITA
Though it has not been established that Immanuel Kant read the Bhagwad Gita or the Upanishads or the Vedas ; Schopenhauer, arriving a generation later, would be the first to proclaim their influence, yet Kant's critical philosophy nonetheless traces lines that run uncannily parallel to the teachings of Advaita Vedanta. Kant’s discovery that space and time are not properties of things-in-themselves, but a priori forms through which the human mind must intuit all appearances, echoes Advaita’s insistence that desa, kaala, and nimitta or the space, time, and causality belong to Maya, the empirical veil, and not to Brahman, the unconditioned real. His distinction between phenomena, the world as it appears to us, and noumena, the world as it is in itself, mirrors the Vedantic division between vyavaharika or the realm of conventional truth, and paramarthika or the plane of absolute truth. Even his doctrine of synthetic a priori judgments or knowledge that is both universal and necessary, yet not drawn from experience , opens room for the Advaitic claim that Self-knowledge is immediate and self-revealing, not a product of the senses. To be clear, Kant halts where Advaita advances: he holds that the noumenal, including the Self, cannot be known as an object of cognition, while Advaita proclaims that the Self is known not as an object, but as the very light by which all knowing occurs. This fertile comparison did not escape the great philosopher-statesman Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, who, in his 1918 study ,"The Ethics of the Bhagavadgita and Kant" , placed the Gita’s doctrine of "nishkama karma" or action without attachment to fruits , alongside Kant’s categorical imperative, showing how both traditions subordinate happiness to duty, yet nourish the hope that virtue and well-being may finally converge.Dr S Radhakrshnan writes :
"Turning our attention to the moral law, we find that both Gita and Kant preach duty for duty's sake. "Your business is with action alone, not by any means with fruit. Let not the fruit of action be your motive to action." And Kant explains , " That an action done from duty, derives its moral worth, not from the purpose which is to be attained by it, but from the maxim by which it is determined, and therefore does not depend on the realisation of the object of the action, but merely on the principle of volition, by which the action has taken place, without regard to any object of desire."
( Avtar Mota)
I was told by a MBA pass out from a prestigious University in the US that he learned the story of Satyakama from a professor during his studies for the MBA degree. The Satyakama Jabala story from Chandogya Upanishad (4.4) is taught in MBA programmes at IIM Bangalore, IIM Ahmedabad, Harvard, and INSEAD as a case study in ethical leadership. Satyakama was a boy of unknown parentage who wanted to study. The Guru asked his lineage. The boy honestly says, “I don’t know, my mother said she served many people ”. The Guru says, “You are a real Brahmaṇa because you spoke the truth.”
Sent to tend 400 cows, he returns years later with 1000, having learnt from nature along the way. The lesson: leadership rests on Satya (integrity), Shraddha (commitment), and learning through action, not pedigree. B-schools use it to teach authenticity, merit over background, humility in menial tasks, and building trust through truth, framing character as the real credential in conscious capitalism. The story conveys that truthfulness, humility, and eagerness to learn are the real marks of a developed personality.
In India, Prof. S.K. Chakraborty of IIM Calcutta first introduced the Upanishads into management education in the early 1990s. He founded the "Management Centre for Human Values" at IIM-C and launched the course ,"Management by Human Values" , using the Isha, Kena, and Katha Upanishads to address ethics and leadership gaps in Western models. His 1995 book , "Ethics in Management: Vedantic Perspectives" established the framework, earning him recognition as the father of Indian Ethos in Management. Prof. Subhash Sharma and Prof. Peter Pruzan were early introducers of Upanishadic values in modern management science in Europe, while Prof. Bill George helped mainstream it in the US.
Upanishadic wisdom is taught in Japanese management schools, though mainly in electives and executive education. Hitotsubashi ICS has incorporated "Brahman-Atman" concepts into knowledge management modules, while Kyoto University and Keio Business School include the Isha and Kena Upanishads in "Spirituality in Business" programmes. The Upanishads are usually presented as comparative Eastern philosophy for global leadership.
In China, Upanishads are taught to management students mainly in executive and elective programmes at top schools. Peking University’s Guanghua School of Management includes the Isha and Katha Upanishads in its Eastern Wisdom and Leadership modules, while CEIBS Shanghai uses "Tat Tvam Asi" in Global Leadership" courses. Tsinghua SEM and Fudan School of Management also reference Upanishadic ideas in cross-cultural ethics and leadership electives. It remains niche, presented as comparative Eastern philosophy alongside Taoism and Confucianism .
In Russia, Upanishadic knowledge appears in management education only in niche settings. Higher School of Economics (HSE) Moscow includes the Isha and Kena Upanishads in Philosophy of Management electives, while Skolkovo School of Management uses ,"Tat Tvam Asi " and "Neti Neti" in Conscious Leadership executive modules. MGIMO University also references the Upanishads in Cross-Cultural Management courses covering Indian business culture.
I am informed that some Upanishads are also taught to management students in Pakistan in some select institutions : LUMS : The Suleman Dawood School of Business lists ,"Comparative Philosophy and Ethics" as an elective for Management Science students. Course outlines from the Humanities and Social Sciences department show the Katha and Isha Upanishads used alongside Islamic and Western ethical frameworks. At IBA Karachi, The School of Social Sciences offers philosophy and leadership electives where Upanishadic ideas on self-inquiry and detachment appear. They're taught comparatively with Rumi, Iqbal, and Stoic thought. However, the Upanishads are presented as comparative wisdom, not as management doctrine.
Book Review: ,'Half Paddle Double Seat — My Kashmir Memories & More:
Author:** Dr. Inder Krishen Kilam
Publisher:** Rudransh Books Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi
Price:** ₹465/=
ISBN:** 978-93-49865-81-5
There are books that arrive as literature, and there are books that arrive as memory. Dr. Inder Krishen Kilam’s 'Half Paddle Double Seat — My Kashmir Memories & More' belongs to the second category, though at places it quietly enters the first. It is not merely a memoir of one individual; it is a family album, a cultural notebook, a record of Kashmiri Pandit middle-class life, and a gentle act of remembrance after rupture. The author himself says that he wrote it “not to be remembered, but to remember,” and this single line gives the reader the key to the entire work.
The title is charming, unusual and meaningful. “Half Paddle Double Seat” comes from the author’s childhood in Srinagar, when, being too short to ride a bicycle in the usual way, he learned to move it by using only half-pedals, and yet could carry another person on the double seat. What begins as a boyhood anecdote becomes a metaphor for life. Many people born in modest families know this condition well: resources are limited, responsibilities arrive early, but the journey cannot be postponed. One must learn to balance, move, carry, endure and still smile. This is the governing spirit of the book.
Dr. Kilam was born in Srinagar into a middle-class Kashmiri Pandit family. His early pages take us through Fateh Kadal, Alikadal, Karfali Mohalla, Karan Nagar, Mission School, DAV School, Amar Singh College and the many lanes, bridges, temples, schools and homes that once formed the breathing map of Kashmiri Pandit life in Srinagar. The book is rich in names: relatives, teachers, neighbours, friends, colleagues, mentors, domestic helpers, officials, priests and ordinary men and women. Some readers may feel the details are excessive, but that is also the nature of memory in a displaced community. A name recorded is a name saved from silence.
The early chapters carry the fragrance of old Srinagar. The author remembers school prayers, teachers, picnics, family rituals, food habits, bicycle rides, the Jhelum, Dal Lake, Karan Nagar homes, the solemn dignity of elders and the affectionate discipline of parents. He writes of his mother, Bahanjee, and father, Baboojee, with reverence. The mother emerges as a figure of quiet courage and household wisdom; the father as a responsible man who tries to hold two families together despite financial and health difficulties. Such portraits are not ornamental. They show the values that shaped a generation: restraint, education, duty, family honour and self-respect.
One of the most attractive features of the memoir is its lack of false heroism. Dr. Kilam does not project himself as a celebrity. In fact, the book’s strength lies in its ordinariness. He tells us of mistakes, fears, missed chances, setbacks, job searches and adjustments. He writes of the burden of responsibility after family tragedies, of career shifts from All India Radio to Punjab National Bank, and later to academics. He records his professional rise in PNB, where he served for more than three decades and retired as Deputy General Manager. Later, he entered academic life at Manav Rachna institutions, becoming professor, head of department, dean of students’ welfare, and also associated with community radio. The journey is steady, not glamorous; but it is precisely this steadiness that makes it credible.
The chapter “PhD@69” is among the most inspiring parts of the book. The author’s academic desire did not die even when life interrupted it. He had earlier lost opportunities, including his research plans, because of family responsibilities and later a painful litigation linked to his banking profession. Yet the urge to study survived. Completing a Ph.D. at the age of 69 is not just an academic achievement; it is a moral statement. It tells younger readers that learning is not a phase of life but a discipline of the mind.
The painful chapter dealing with banking-related court litigation reveals another aspect of the author’s life: endurance under unfair pressure. The book refers to a fabricated or baseless case connected with a bank loan defaulter, and the long legal battle that followed. This episode affected his health and disrupted his academic plans. Yet he continued. In this respect, the memoir becomes a document of middle-class resilience. Many Indian families know this story in one form or another: a decent man caught in a system, spending years proving what should have been obvious from the beginning.
For readers connected with Kashmir, the most moving sections are those that preserve the social world before the upheaval of 1990. The chapter on Malla Aziz, called “Our Man Friday,” stands out. Through Abdul Aziz, Dr. Kilam recalls a time when human relationships crossed religious lines without publicity, slogans or seminars. These were everyday bonds built through work, trust, dependence and affection. Such memories are precious because they neither deny the later tragedy nor reduce the past to hatred. They tell us that Kashmir was once lived through relationships, not merely argued through politics.
The chapter on the migration of Kashmiri Pandits is naturally one of the saddest in the book. Dr. Kilam does not write as a political analyst; he writes as someone whose family and community lived through loss, fear, dispersal and the slow pain of dislocation. For Kashmiri Pandits, memory is not nostalgia alone; it is evidence. Homes were sold, neighbourhoods emptied, temples and social networks were left behind, and generations grew up away from the soil that had shaped their ancestors. The author’s ancestral connection with Kashmir remains alive through visits to sacred places like Mata Kheer Bhawani, Hari Parbat, Zeethyaer and Shankaracharya Mandir. These visits are not tourism; they are acts of belonging. This chapter records how a community survived with dignity even when it faced hostile environment on all fronts. In this chapter, one also comes across a very evocative poem of Indra Kilam, wife of Dr. Kilam. Returning to her motherland after 1990, she holds a dialogue with the autumn Chinar:
"Which law took away our rights
we never even came to know.
Even the land we had bought
is no longer ours today.
At the doorstep of justice,
there is not even a mention of it.”
Land “slipped away from closed fists like grains of sand,”yet she tells the vermilion Chinar that spring will bloom again, even as “the autumn of our abandoned courtyard still stands there, colourless and frozen in time.” Prose and poetry together lift this chapter beyond memoir. It is testimony to loss and resilience, accusation without hysteria, grief without self-pity.
The book also includes photographs, family trees and personal records. These visual elements give the memoir a documentary value. The family tree of the Kilams, the school photographs, family images and Kashmir-related memories help the reader locate the author inside a broader social and genealogical frame. In many modern books, such details may be edited out for smoothness. Here they should be retained, because the book is partly a private archive made public.The language of the book is simple, direct and conversational. Its purpose is not stylistic brilliance. Its purpose is preservation. And in that task, it succeeds. The author’s tone is candid and sincere. He does not exaggerate suffering, nor does he hide emotion. He writes like a man opening old trunks: some documents are neatly arranged, some are folded, some carry stains, but all have value.
The foreword by Padma Shri Pran Kishore Kaul rightly notes the courage required for an ordinary person to write his life. Autobiographies are usually associated with statesmen, artists, revolutionaries, film stars or public intellectuals. Dr. Kilam’s memoir challenges that assumption. Every life that has passed through history carries history within it. The life of a Kashmiri Pandit child born around the time of Independence, educated in Srinagar, employed in radio, banking and academics, and later displaced emotionally from the land of his birth, is not an ordinary life in the shallow sense. It is an ordinary life touched by extraordinary historical currents.
The emotional centre of the book is family. Grandparents, parents, brothers, sister, wife, sons, daughters-in-law and granddaughters appear not as decorative mentions but as the structure of the author’s world. The book is dedicated to his granddaughters Meyhaa, Kaira and Inaya, and this dedication explains its real audience. Dr. Kilam is speaking to the next generation. He is telling them: this is where we came from, these are the people who made us, these were our struggles, these were our values, and this was our Kashmir.
"Half Paddle Double Seat" is not a book of grand claims. It is a book of lived truth. It tells us that memory, when honestly recorded, becomes service. Dr. Kilam has pedalled through life with effort, balance and dignity. In doing so, he has carried not only his own story on the double seat, but also a fragment of Kashmir that deserves to be remembered. It is ultimately a quiet triumph of remembering against erasure. For the Kashmiri reader, the book will awaken many personal echoes. For the non-Kashmiri reader, it offers an intimate entry into a community’s social history. For younger readers, it offers a lesson in perseverance. For older readers, it may provoke a question: have we written down our own memories before they disappear? For the general reader, it is a measured entry into a civilidation’s continuity and a community’s endurance. Every reader of the book has something to gain and something to learn from what Dr. Kilam has recorded; accordingly, it becomes a must-read.
Written without vanity and without bitterness, yet every page carries the weight of a community’s lived truth and a man’s unbroken dignity. In an age of noise, Dr. Kilam has chosen the harder path: to record, to preserve, to bear witness. This is not a volume to skim and shelve. It belongs in libraries, in syllabi on displacement and resilience, and on the family shelf beside the photograph albums. Buy it, annotate it, gift it because some books preserve literature, and some preserve a people. This one does both.
( Avtar Mota )