WHEN PANDITS GARLANDED THEIR COWS ,HUGGED THEM, KISSED THEM AND LEFT WEEPING

                                       

               ( A scene from Maharaj Shah's film Azadi )

The Last Morning With Those Who Could Not Speak

There are partings that are announced with speeches, with embraces, with long promises to write and to return. And then there are partings that take place in silence, because one side has no words at all, only large, trusting eyes, and a warmth that has leaned against your shoulder every winter morning of your life.

In the villages of Kashmir, before 1990 broke the valley open, a cow was never merely a cow. She was Lil, or Gonur, or Heemal, or Sondhur, or Saanpa. Her calf was Lalaa, or Saaba. They had names because they had places. They were spoken to in the morning as one speaks to a child. They were called by name from the courtyard, and they came, unhurried, knowing the voice, knowing the hand that would feed them.

The old lady of the house was their keeper, their mother in all but birth. Before she had eaten herself, she had fed them. Before the family sat down to its own meal, their share had been set aside. She knew which one liked her voice low and soft, which one grew restless if her calf was taken too far away, which one would nudge her sari with her head until she turned and stroked her forehead. They recognised her footsteps. They recognised her smell. They recognised the sound of the brass vessel she carried, and they would low, softly, not in hunger alone, but in welcome.

                                       

For the family, milk was not bought. It was given. It was a gift exchanged between two kinds of life that had learned to trust one another completely. The cow gave milk because she felt safe. The family gave care because they felt loved. That was the whole economy of the home, and it was more honest than any market in the world.

Then came the winter of 1990  when everything had to be left behind.

No one had told the animals that they were to be abandoned. How could they be told? They could not be told where their people were going, or why, or for how long, or whether they would ever come back. They stood in the courtyard that morning as they had stood every morning, waiting to be fed, waiting to be milked, waiting for the familiar routine that had held their small world together.

And so the family did what broken hearts have always done. They performed a farewell that was also a prayer.

They fed them first, one last time, with their own hands, as if by feeding them they might somehow make up for the days to come when another hand would feed them. They garlanded them with marigold, their necks bright with colour against the grey of that frightened morning. They applied tilak to their foreheads, red and trembling, as one does for a departing traveller, as one does for a goddess. The old lady pressed her forehead to the cow's forehead and wept, not quietly, but with the deep, tearing sobs of a mother who knows she is leaving her child in a world she cannot protect.

The children clung to them. They buried their faces in their warm flanks. They kissed their muzzles. They called their names again and again, Lil, Heemal, Lalaa, as if by repeating them they could keep them from being forgotten. The animals looked on, bewildered, patient, innocent. They did not understand why the hands that stroked them were shaking. They did not understand why the eyes that looked at them were full of tears. They only knew that something was wrong, and they stood still, as animals do when they sense grief, offering the only comfort they had: their nearness.

Some were handed over to neighbours, with folded hands and a choked voice: Please, look after her. She likes warm water in winter. She gets frightened in thunder. Please, do not let her calf go hungry. Promises were made that could not be kept, because no one knew if the neighbours themselves would stay. Some animals were left standing in the courtyard, watching their people walk away down the lane, carrying a single bag, not looking back because to look back would have been unbearable.

Many wanted to carry them along. Oh, how they wanted to. But where were they going? They themselves did not know. They were fleeing to save their lives and their honour, with no home waiting, no shed, no courtyard, no field. To take a cow on that journey would have been to condemn her to a suffering worse than parting. And so they left them, and the cruelty of it was that it was done out of love.

That is the particular pathos of this separation. A man can explain his leaving. A woman can promise to return. A child can write a letter. But a speechless creature cannot be consoled with reasons. She cannot be told that this is not abandonment, that this is compulsion, that her people wept for her long after they had left her. She can only watch the gate close, and wait, that evening, for a footstep that does not come.

For the first time in any film on the tragedy of the Kashmiri Pandits, Maharaj Shah has dared to film what was never been filmed before ; not just the leaving, but the loving. The farewell to the cows, the garlands, the tilak, the tears, the packed bags, the waiting truck, the neighbour stepping forward to receive what a family could no longer carry. In that one dawn scene, he has captured an entire civilization’s grief, faith, and dignity.

This is why this scene in Maharaj Shah’s film Azadi moves one so deeply. It does not invent grief. It remembers it. It shows what history books forget: that exile is not only about houses and land and temples. It is about the breaking of a thousand small, daily loves. It is about an old lady’s empty hands in the morning. It is about a cow, garlanded and blessed, standing in an empty courtyard, waiting for a voice that will call her name, and will never call it again.

( Avtar Mota )

CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
Based on a work at http:\\autarmota.blogspot.com\.

SOME EXCERPTS FROM MY BOOK, “KASHMIR: LORE, LIES AND LAMENT"

                                                   

       

SOME EXCERPTS FROM MY BOOK, “KASHMIR: LORE, LIES AND LAMENT...... THE BOOK IS AVAILABLE  WORLDWIDE  :

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EXCERPTS 

(1)

CHAPTER: ELECTIONS, ZINDABAAD, EXILES, CRICKET MATCH, RAY OF LIGHT, FABRICATION OF HISTORY, PAHALGAAM TRAGEDY, MARKAZ KI CHAAL AND OTHER ATYPICAL ISSUES

(a)  

(They pulled down a huge board displaying a photograph of smiling Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. They brought it to Lal-Chowk. The president of the private transport company asked his accomplices to deface the board, walk over it and break it. They did. They raised a new slogan, “Janta Party Zindabad. After about a week, the election results were declared. Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah had won with a thumping majority. And we saw the same president and all his accomplices putting National Conference flags all over Lal Chowk in Srinagar. They danced, crying, “ Aa gaya ji, aa gaya, alla baen( National Conference ) aa gaya. Aa gaya ji aa gaya sheri babbar( Sheikh Abdullah ) aa gaya ”)

(b)

“Sabz dastaaras khoda chhuyi raazi, Pakistaanuk gaazi hayi aav”

(Even Almighty is happy to find a green turban on his head. Here comes the Gaazi from Pakistan. “

This Vanvun was sung by ladies to welcome Morar Ji Desai to the downtown residence of Molvi Farooq. The seniormost Kashmiri journalist based in Delhi accompanied Morarji's cavalcade. When Morar Ji asked him what these ladies were singing, the journalist   said:-

“They are singing in praise of the green turban that Molvi Farooq has tied on your head. It means Almighty has willed that ‘green turban be put on him, he who came to our dwelling like a real Gaazi or religious liberator from Pakistan’. So you are a man from Pakistan. "

The next day, Morar Ji Desai announced at a press conference that there is no tie-up or alliance between Janata Party and Molvi Farooq’s Awami Action Committee. The accompanying journalist was informed by a well-regarded handicrafts dealer, who happened to be the person in charge of the Morarji Desai Reception Committee and was himself a staunch Bakra, or supporter of Moulvi Farooq, that Morarji Desai had been made to sit on the very chair that had once been used to make M. A. Jinnah comfortable when he had visited the uncle of Moulvi Farooq during his stay in Kashmir.)

(2)

CHAPTER: BRIHAT KATHA: A TRADITION THAT CONNECTS KASHMIR, ANCIENT INDIA AND MODERN LITERATURE

 (Apart from Kshemendra and Somadeva, whose Brihatkathamanjari and Kathasaritsagara directly represent the Brihat Katha tradition, Kalhana and Bilhana may also be considered, in part, within its broader narrative spirit. Kalhana’s Rajatarangini combines historical memory with dramatic accounts of kings, political intrigue, ambition and human frailty, while Bilhana’s Vikramankadevacarita blends dynastic history with courtly storytelling and poetic imagination.

 Neither writer composed a collection of interwoven tales comparable to Somadeva’s monumental work. Their literary genres remain distinct: Kalhana wrote a historical chronicle, while Bilhana excelled in courtly poetry and drama. Nevertheless, if the Brihat Katha style is understood more broadly as an expansive narrative approach embracing legends, human adventures, courtly episodes and imaginative storytelling, both writers share some of its characteristics. Their works demonstrate the diversity of Kashmir’s Sanskrit literary heritage, where history, poetry and storytelling developed alongside one another. Together, these writers reveal a literary culture deeply connected with the wider intellectual and cultural traditions of India.

 (3)

CHAPTER: “THE INTELLECTUAL WEAKENING OF CONTEMPORARY KASHMIRI LITERATURE: A STRUCTURAL READING WITH A NOTE ON SCRIPT”

 (This monothematic pressure explains why most contemporary writing from Kashmir fails to acquire readers even when translated into English or any other language.

Great regional literature becomes universal not by abandoning locality but by deepening it. The Kashmiri village in Nadim, the Srinagar mohalla in Akhtar Mohiuddin, the peasant in Amin Kamil is so precisely observed that it becomes recognisable to a reader in Bengal or Brazil. The local is rendered with such psychological and philosophical depth that it transcends locality.

Much of the literature now being produced does the opposite. It treats Kashmir as a theme rather than as a lived world. The narrative is driven by identity, grievance, exile, or assertion. These are important realities, but when they are presented as slogans rather than as human dilemmas, the work loses its capacity to travel.

A story that depends entirely on the reader already sharing a political position cannot survive translation, because the translated reader does not share that immediate context. The universal elements, the rendering of Lore, ageing, childhood, work, guilt, fear, tenderness, which allow a Tamil or Polish reader to enter the text, are absent. Translation therefore exposes the thinness. What was moving in the original because of shared context becomes inert in English because there is no underlying human architecture to hold it.

This is not an argument against political writing. It is an argument for political writing that achieves universality through craft. The Palestinian writer Ghassan Kanafani, the Irish writer Seamus Heaney, and the Bosnian writer Aleksandar Hemon are deeply political and yet universally read, because their politics is embodied in character and language, not declared in authorial commentary. Contemporary Kashmiri writing, in many cases, declares rather than embodies.)

(4)

 CHAPTER ZANGTREI FESTIVITY: WHEN MARRIED WOMEN VISIT THEIR PARENTAL HOME

(Marriage traditionally altered the physical location of a daughter, but Zangtrei affirmed that it did not have to erase her emotional belonging. She could leave her parental home, establish another household and assume new responsibilities, yet the old home remained a place to which she could return. She was welcomed with Zang or Shagun. The offerings could be simple: a packet of salt, a few currency notes known as Atagath, bread or Kulcha and Attahur. Their material value was insignificant. Their emotional value was immense. A packet of salt could become an offering of affection. A few notes could become a gesture of blessing. Bread could carry the warmth of the household. Such customs remind us that traditional societies often expressed emotions through objects of everyday life rather than elaborate declarations. The daughter crossed a familiar threshold, but she was also crossing into her own memories. Perhaps her mother stood waiting for her. Perhaps her father opened the door. Perhaps the brother who had grown into the responsibilities of the household welcomed her. Whatever the circumstances, the message was the same: ‘you still belong here’. This is what makes Zangtrei so different from an ordinary family visit. It institutionalised affection. It gave the daughter a day on which the continuity of her relationship with her parental home could be publicly affirmed.)

(5)

CHAPTER: LAL DED: SHAIVA VISION, LOSS AND APPROPRIATION 

(A close examination of the corpus attributed to Lalleshwari reveals sustained dilution of her Shaiva–Trika vision through careless, vague, and at times wilful misattribution. In a personal discussion, the noted scholar and poet Moti Lal Saqi stated that he could vouch for only thirty-five to forty vaakhs as genuinely belonging to Lal Ded. The remainder, he suggested, had been attributed either knowingly or unknowingly, thereby obscuring the philosophical precision of her utterance. This concern is echoed by Professor Tej Raina in his book, Lalla Vaakh: Echoes from Pandrethan”, which documents systematic distortions in the received corpus. Of the approximately 258 vaakhs circulating under Lal Ded’s name, Professor Jay Lal Kaul selected only 138 for inclusion in his compilation, declining to vouch conclusively even for these.

Over time, verses by Rupa Bhawani have been uncritically merged with Lal Ded’s Vaakhs. Thirty-five verses occur identically in collections attributed to Lal Ded and in the Noornamas and Reshinamas of Sheikh Noor-ud-Din (Nund Rishi), where they appear as shrukhs. Further confusion arises from the attribution of three quatrains by Azizullah Khan, a nineteenth-century Kashmiri poet, to Lal Ded by Rev. J. Hinton Knowles. One of these was later translated by A. K. Ramanujan under Lal Ded’s name and cited as such by K Satchidanandan. Such practices have blurred authorial boundaries and diluted the coherent Shaiva philosophy central to Lal Ded’s authentic voice.)

 

( Avtar Mota )

CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
Based on a work at http:\\autarmota.blogspot.com\.

MY NEW POEM: 'THE PEEPAL AND THE CHINAR TREE'

                                               

     (Hugging the Chinar  at departure  time)

              ( Hugging the Peepal tree in exile ) 

(THE PEEPAL AND THE CHINAR TREE )

Upon my visit to Kashmir in 2005,

I went to the old  Chinar tree near my house
and asked if the rumours were true.

 “They say you came from Iran.
 You do not belong to Kashmir.
And if Rajatarangini remembers you,
then Rajatarangini must be lying.”

Its leaves trembled.

And it gave me a lengthy explanation.

 “What can I say?” it whispered.

“If I speak, they will cut me down.
They demand that I remain green
in every season.
My autumn gold must be forgotten,
washed clean from my memory.
I must deny the colours
that made me what I am.

Once, I sheltered your ancestors.
I stood beside their temples,
their courtyards and their homes.
I watched their prayers rise
through my branches.

Then came 1990.
You fled to save your life and honour ,

leaving me behind.

I could not follow.
My roots held me to Kashmir;
the soil became my prison.

Now, in exile,
you have found the Peepal.
It was never a tree of your valley.
It belonged to the plains,
Yet it gave you refuge.
Its branches embraced you,
for you needed a tree
to receive the grief
your homeland could no longer hold.

You learnt to love the Peepal
because you had lost me.
I belong to your remembered home;
The Peepal  became the shelter
of your homelessness.”

Years later, in America,
I saw a maple dressed in gold.
My heart leapt.
I thought my Chinar
had crossed the oceans to find me.

But the maple whispered:

“I am not your Chinar.
My colours may resemble its autumn,
but resemblance is not belonging.
I have my own roots,
as your lost tree has its own soil.”

Suddenly ,I remembered Booen Ded , 

my grandmother,

Who died of heat stroke in Jammu .

I remembered how much she missed 

 the shady Booen of the temple she used to visit in Kashmir  .

And this innocent woman used to recite 

Lal Vaakh in her Aarti as well. 

Oh  Lal Ded ! 

her words scattered,

her memory contested,
her spiritual inheritance wounded.

Where would I find her now?

Perhaps beneath a Peepal,
in the plains where exile has carried us,
still absorbed in her eternal Sadhana,
beyond the hurts of those
who try to rob her tongue of Shaiva Darshana,

 I understand .

The Peepal is not our substitute for Kashmir's Chinar.
It was the tree we learnt to embrace,
Because Kashmir's Chinar was beyond our reach.

We did not choose exile.
We learnt to live with it.

And today, when Chinars turn to gold,
Every exile remembers his lost autumn.
And when their leaves fall,
something of him falls too.

He may embrace the Peepal,
but he cannot forget the Chinar.
For the Peepal gives him shade;
only the Chinar gives him home.

(Avtar Mota)

PS

A Chinar tree is known as Booen in Kashmiri

CHINAR SHADE by Autarmota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 India License.
Based on a work at http:\\autarmota.blogspot.com\.

THE DOGRA RULE: A CENTURY OF PROGRESS, INSTITUTION-BUILDING AND TRANSFORMATION IN JAMMU AND KASHMIR

                                                   

        ( Ganderbal, a watercolour  painted by N S. Bendre in Kashmir  during his employment  with Maharaja  Hari Singh's Darbar  )

                            (Lady Curzon coming out of the  Lal Mandi Palace, Srinagar ( 1903) . Maharaja Pratap Singh  is there to see her off .)

THE DOGRA RULE: A CENTURY OF PROGRESS, INSTITUTION-BUILDING AND TRANSFORMATION IN JAMMU AND KASHMIR

The century of Dogra rule, from 1846 to 1947, was one of the most consequential periods in the making of modern Jammu and Kashmir. Across a formidable geographical landscape of mountains, valleys, rivers and remote settlements, the State developed roads and bridges, irrigation canals, hydroelectric power, hospitals, colleges, courts and other public institutions. Printing presses, translation departments, museums and libraries contributed to the preservation and circulation of knowledge, while land settlement and administrative reforms brought greater organisation to the governance of the territory.

These were not isolated projects. Together, they represented a substantial process of state-building that transformed transport, agriculture, education, healthcare, industry and public administration. The Land Bandobast under Maharaja Pratap Singh, conducted by Sir Walter Lawrence and his team, was particularly important in establishing systematic land records. The introduction of trout culture, the growth of the silk industry, the establishment of Jammu and Kashmir Bank and the emergence of aviation and radio broadcasting further illustrate the breadth of change.

The achievements of Maharaja Gulab Singh, Maharaja Ranbir Singh, Maharaja Pratap Singh and Maharaja Hari Singh must be understood in their historical context. Dogra rule deserves recognition as a major chapter in the transition of Jammu and Kashmir towards a more connected and administratively organised State.

State-Building and Administrative Organisation

Maharaja Gulab Singh established the princely State of Jammu and Kashmir in 1846. Governing its geographically diverse regions required administrative coordination, reliable communications and more systematic arrangements for revenue collection and the maintenance of law and order. His successors progressively developed the machinery of government. During Maharaja Ranbir Singh's reign, judicial institutions, legal procedures and administrative regulations became more organised. The Adalat-ul-Alia, established in 1877, formed part of this judicial development. Later milestones included the Civil Courts Regulation of 1921 and the establishment of the High Court of Jammu and Kashmir in 1928.

Departments dealing with public works, forests, education, health and agriculture gradually acquired more clearly defined responsibilities. Land surveys, revenue records and forest administration also became more systematic. The process was not uninterrupted. During Pratap Singh's reign, his powers were curtailed in 1889, and a State Council operated under British supervision. His powers were restored in 1905. Nevertheless, the successive reigns witnessed the development of a more differentiated administrative structure, with specialised departments, courts, regulations and public services.

Roads, Bridges and the Opening of the Valley

Transport infrastructure was among the most consequential achievements of Dogra rule. The mountains that defined Kashmir's geography also imposed severe restrictions on movement. Improved roads and bridges connected settlements, facilitated trade and administration, and reduced the isolation of the Valley.

The Jhelum Valley Cart Road

Developed during Maharaja Pratap Singh's reign and opened to motor traffic around 1890, the Jhelum Valley Cart Road connected Kashmir through Baramulla and the Kohala route towards Rawalpindi. It became an important commercial corridor for passengers, traders and goods, strengthening the Valley's links with markets beyond the State.

The Banihal Cart Road

Opened to vehicular traffic in 1922, the Banihal Cart Road improved communication between Jammu and Srinagar across difficult mountain terrain. It was a major engineering undertaking and an important step towards more reliable movement between the State's principal centres.

The modern Jawahar Tunnel must be distinguished from this earlier road. The tunnel opened in 1956, after Dogra rule had ended.

Bridges and River Crossings

The Chenab crossing at Ramban helped establish the town as an important point on the Jammu–Srinagar route. The early development of the crossing is associated with the period of Maharaja Gulab Singh, although the dates and successive forms of individual bridge structures require verification.

The Tawi Bridge contributed to Jammu's urban transport infrastructure, while the Ravi crossing at Lakhanpur was important for communication with Punjab. The precise dates and attribution of particular structures should be established from contemporary records.

Roads towards Ladakh and the northern frontier regions served administrative and strategic purposes. Dak bungalows and rest houses provided accommodation for travellers and officials along important routes.

Boulevard Road and Railway Connectivity

The development of Boulevard Road along Dal Lake is associated with Maharaja Hari Singh's reign, particularly the early 1930s. It improved access along the lakefront and contributed to Srinagar's emerging tourist infrastructure. The Sialkot–Jammu railway, opened in 1890, connected Jammu with the wider railway network of the subcontinent. It facilitated passenger travel and the movement of goods, although the subsequent Partition of the subcontinent disrupted this connection.

Together, roads, bridges and railway connectivity laid important foundations for the subsequent development of transport in Jammu and Kashmir.

The Land Bandobast: Walter Lawrence and Agrarian Administration

One of the most significant administrative achievements of Maharaja Pratap Singh's reign was the systematic land settlement, or Bandobast, undertaken in Kashmir under Sir Walter Roper Lawrence. Its importance was comparable, in administrative significance, to that of major public works because agriculture and land revenue were central to the State's economy.

Before the settlement, land records and revenue assessments were often irregular. Cultivators could face arbitrary demands and insecurity arising from poorly documented holdings. The absence of systematic village maps and standardised records also complicated the administration of agricultural land.

An initial settlement initiative was undertaken by Andrew Wingate in 1887, but it covered a limited area. Lawrence was appointed Settlement Commissioner in 1889, and the principal settlement operations continued until 1894.

Survey, Classification and Recording

Lawrence and his team undertook an extensive survey of agricultural land. Villages were mapped, fields recorded and land classified. Information concerning cultivation, soil and irrigation was documented, and revenue assessments were prepared on a more systematic basis.

This was a substantial administrative exercise for its time. It gave the State a clearer record of agricultural holdings and the productive capacity of the land, while establishing a more regular framework for assessing revenue obligations.

Significance for Cultivators

The Bandobast helped reduce some of the uncertainty associated with irregular assessments and arbitrary local practices. The recording of holdings and clarification of revenue obligations gave cultivators a more documented basis for their relationship with the administration.

It did not abolish all agrarian inequalities or confer unrestricted proprietary ownership upon every cultivator. Nevertheless, it established an important foundation for land administration, revenue records and subsequent land-related proceedings.

The Land Bandobast demonstrates that institution-building was not confined to roads, buildings and engineering projects. By bringing greater order and documentation to land administration, the work of Lawrence and his team affected one of the most important aspects of everyday economic life in Kashmir.

Irrigation, Agriculture and Flood Control Under the Dogra Rulers

Agriculture remained a principal source of livelihood in Jammu and Kashmir, making irrigation, drainage and flood control important areas of public investment under the Dogra rulers. The development of canals helped extend cultivation, improve water availability and reduce, to some extent, the risks arising from inadequate rainfall and irregular river flows.

The Jammu region contained an extensive kandi belt, characterised by undulating terrain and limited water availability. Rainwater-harvesting tanks and irrigation projects were therefore important to agricultural development in this area. The Ranbir Canal, constructed under Maharaja Pratap Singh and completed in 1911, became a major irrigation work in Jammu. The Pratap Canal also served agricultural areas around Jourian, Khour and Pallanwala. The Basantpur Canal, drawing water from the Ravi, was another component of the State's irrigation infrastructure. These projects reflected efforts to bring more land under cultivation and support agricultural production.

In the Kashmir Valley, the Martand Canal, an ancient irrigation channel associated with the region's early history, was reconstructed along the alignment of the older Shahi Khul. Work began in 1901, and the canal was opened for irrigation in 1902. The Lal Khul, which served parts of north Kashmir, was another important channel in the irrigation network. The Dogra period thus saw not only the construction of new canals but also the rehabilitation and maintenance of older watercourses.

Flood control was a separate but equally important responsibility. The Jhelum was central to the Valley's agriculture, transport and urban life, but its periodic flooding threatened Srinagar and neighbouring settlements. Following earlier floods, the administration undertook works to improve the river's capacity to discharge excess water. The Srinagar flood spill channel, constructed during 1903–04, diverted surplus water from the Jhelum through an alternative channel between the Ram Munshi Bagh area and Pandrethan. Dredging below Baramulla and other measures to improve drainage were also undertaken. These works formed part of the State's broader response to recurrent flooding and waterlogging.

The establishment of a separate Irrigation Department in November 1923 marked an important administrative step towards the specialised management of irrigation works. The significance of Dogra-era initiatives lay in the expansion of canal irrigation, the maintenance of existing channels, the provision of water to vulnerable agricultural areas and the development of flood-control infrastructure. These measures constituted an important part of the State's public works programme, although their benefits and limitations must be assessed against the wider social and economic conditions under which agriculture operated.

The Jhelum Weir

The Chattabal Weir, opened in 1916 during Maharaja Pratap Singh's reign, helped maintain water levels in the Jhelum and supported navigation through Srinagar and towards Dal Lake for a longer part of the year. The weir formed part of the broader management of the river and the city's waterways. Its relationship with fisheries is also of interest, although the claim that fish preservation was its principal original purpose requires supporting contemporary records. Irrigation, drainage and river regulation were important components of the State's agricultural and civic infrastructure.

Hydroelectricity and Public Utilities

The Mohra Hydroelectric Power Station, developed during Maharaja Pratap Singh's reign and commissioned in the early twentieth century, supplied electricity for lighting and industrial purposes. It was among the important early hydroelectric developments in the region.

Electricity created possibilities for improved urban lighting and industrial production, introducing a new technological resource into the economic and civic life of the State.

Urban water supply also received attention. Pumping facilities drawing water from the Tawi contributed to water provision in Jammu, while other public works supported growing settlements. Sanitation and municipal services developed alongside urban administration. Tap water was introduced in Srinagar during Dogra rule.

Hospitals and Modern Healthcare

The development of hospitals and dispensaries was an important advance in public services. In a region where distance and difficult terrain restricted access to treatment, organised healthcare facilities offered new possibilities for medical care. Shri Maharaja Gulab Singh Hospital in Jammu opened in 1943, following the laying of its foundation stone in 1940. Shri Maharaja Hari Singh Hospital in Srinagar was inaugurated in 1946. Both became important institutions in modern medical care. District hospitals, dispensaries and facilities for treating tuberculosis also formed part of the expanding medical network. Public health administration increasingly addressed vaccination, sanitation and infectious diseases.

These institutions provided foundations for the subsequent development of healthcare in Jammu and Kashmir.

Education, Colleges and Technical Training

The expansion of education created opportunities for formal learning, professional training and intellectual development.

Prince of Wales College in Jammu, now Government Gandhi Memorial Science College, became an important institution of higher education. Sri Pratap College in Srinagar contributed to collegiate education, while Amar Singh Technical Institute in Srinagar supported technical and vocational learning. The Ranbir Public Library in Jammu provided an institutional resource for reading and scholarship.

Schools gradually expanded in towns and other localities. Female education received increasing attention, and measures introduced during Maharaja Hari Singh's reign sought to broaden access to primary education. Legislation concerning compulsory primary education in 1930 marked an important step in educational policy, although implementation varied.

The growth of colleges, technical institutions and public libraries helped create a more developed educational infrastructure and contributed to the emergence of new professional and intellectual communities.

Translation Departments, Printing Presses and Scholarship

The development of translation and printing facilities was an important contribution to the intellectual life of the State.

Maharaja Ranbir Singh established a translation department that brought scholars together to translate works from Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic and other languages into languages including Dogri, Urdu and Hindi. The programme covered literature, philosophy, history and scientific subjects, helping make selected works accessible beyond their original linguistic settings.

The Vidya Vilas Press was established in 1858 during the early years of Dogra rule. Other presses followed, including facilities associated with the production of books, educational material and official documents. The Ranbir Printing Press formed part of the expanding print culture associated with Ranbir Singh's reign.

Printing made the reproduction and circulation of texts easier. Together with translation departments, schools and libraries, these facilities helped establish a more organised documentary and literary culture in Jammu and Kashmir.

Industry, Sericulture and Banking

The Government Silk Factory in Srinagar became an important industrial enterprise, combining Kashmir's established sericulture traditions with organised production. Silk cultivation and processing supported employment and commercial activity.

The administration also encouraged technical training and developed mechanisms for the exploration and regulation of mineral resources.

Jammu and Kashmir Bank, established in 1938 during Maharaja Hari Singh's reign, was an important step in the development of organised banking within the State. These initiatives broadened the economic and institutional base of Jammu and Kashmir, even though the economy remained predominantly agrarian.

Other industrial activities included the Resin and Turpentine Factory at Miran Sahib, the mining of sapphires at Padder, the match factory at Baramulla and the Woollen Mill in Srinagar.

Trout Culture and Scientific Fisheries

The introduction of trout into Kashmir's streams was a notable scientific and economic development associated with Maharaja Pratap Singh's reign. It eventually helped establish Kashmir as a destination for trout angling.

An initial attempt to introduce trout eggs from Britain in 1899 failed during transit. A second consignment arrived successfully from Scotland in December 1900. Some young fish were transferred to Panzagam at Dachigam, near Harwan, while others were reared at a private facility in Srinagar.

A department initially known as the Department of Game Preservation was established in 1903. F. J. Mitchell played an important role in developing trout culture, working with local collaborators. A hatchery at Achabal, established later, helped propagate trout and distribute fish seed to streams across the Valley.

The programme moved beyond importing fish to establishing systems for breeding, rearing and distribution. It remains an important example of organised fish culture during the Dogra period, although the ecological consequences of introducing a non-native species deserve consideration in any modern assessment.

Development of Tourism Under the Dogra Rulers

The Dogra period witnessed the gradual emergence of Kashmir as a major tourist destination. Although places such as Gulmarg and Pahalgam had been known before the development of modern tourism, they gained wider recognition during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The Dogra administration, particularly under Maharaja Pratap Singh, facilitated this process through improvements in communications, transport and visitor facilities. The growing presence of British officials and European travellers, together with the increasing popularity of Kashmir's climate, lakes and mountain landscapes, contributed to the expansion of tourist traffic.

Gulmarg developed into a prominent summer resort, while Pahalgam and other scenic destinations attracted increasing numbers of visitors. Srinagar, with Dal Lake as its principal attraction, became the centre of a distinctive tourism economy. The establishment of a Visitors' Bureau marked an important step towards the organised promotion of tourism and the systematic recording of visitors.

The houseboat became one of the most distinctive features of Kashmir's tourist identity during this period. Restrictions preventing Europeans and other outsiders from purchasing land in the State encouraged British visitors to use boats as floating residences. Existing Kashmiri boats, particularly Doongas, were adapted to provide more comfortable accommodation. Local boat builders, craftsmen and entrepreneurs subsequently developed the elaborate houseboats that became synonymous with Dal Lake and Srinagar. Their growth illustrates how a political restriction, combined with local enterprise and foreign demand, gave rise to an enduring feature of Kashmir's tourism economy.

The Dogra rulers' contribution to tourism therefore lay not in discovering Kashmir's natural beauty, which had attracted visitors for centuries, but in developing infrastructure, facilitating tourist movement and establishing organised visitor services. These changes helped connect Kashmir more closely with the wider world and created new livelihoods in transport, accommodation, handicrafts and related trades.

Art Received a Great Uplift and Flourished During Dogra Rule

The Dogra period, from 1846 to 1947, was a century of artistic revival after centuries of neglect. Art flourished because there was at last a stable state that saw itself as a patron of culture. Maharaja Gulab Singh and Ranbir Singh revived manuscript illumination and court portraiture in the Dogra-Pahari style. Maharaja Pratap Singh and Maharaja Hari Singh expanded this into modern art, patronising papier-mâché, wood-carving, shawl design and photography.

In this climate of peace, many European and Indian painters visited Kashmir ; William Simpson, Constance Villiers-Stuart, William Carpenter, B. F. Gribble, Raja Ravi Varma, Bishan Singh, AR Chugtai ,Abanindranath Tagore ,and many more reputed artists , all drawn by its light and landscape.

The culmination of this patronage came under Maharaja Hari Singh, who employed renowned artist N. S. Bendre (1910-1992), later one of India's nine National Art Treasures, as artist-cum-journalist to the State. Bendre documented the landscape, people and durbar life of Jammu and Kashmir and advised on art education in Srinagar, linking the Dogra court directly to modern Indian art. Bendre worked as a journalist cum painter in the state for about 3 years (1936 to 1939 ).

Municipal Development and Urban Infrastructure

The growth of municipal administration accompanied improvements in roads, water supply, sanitation and public buildings. Jammu and Srinagar increasingly required organised civic services to support their expanding populations and administrative responsibilities.

Street improvements, government offices, rest houses and municipal facilities formed part of this process. In Jammu, transport and urban services reinforced the city's role as an administrative centre. In Srinagar, road and lakefront improvements contributed to the development of the city as the principal urban centre of Kashmir.

Boulevard Road along Dal Lake exemplifies this changing urban landscape. Its development improved access along the lakefront and contributed to Srinagar's emerging tourist economy.

Religious Patronage, Museums and Cultural Preservation

The Dogra rulers contributed to the construction, patronage and development of religious institutions. Jammu's Raghunath Temple complex, developed substantially under Maharaja Ranbir Singh, became an important expression of the region's religious and architectural heritage. The development and renovation history of Kheer Bhawani at Tula Mula and Sharika Devi at Hari Parbat are also important subjects for examining Dogra-era religious patronage.

A major cultural contribution was the establishment of the Sri Pratap Singh Museum in Srinagar. A palace building at Lal Mandi was made available for museum purposes, providing a permanent institutional home for archaeological and artistic collections. The museum brought together sculptures, bronzes, coins and other antiquities representing different periods of Kashmir's history. Its establishment reflected an important recognition that the region's material heritage required collection, preservation and organised study. Libraries and archives similarly helped Here is the shortened version:

Airports, Radio and Modern Communications

The later Dogra period witnessed the emergence of aviation and broadcasting as new forms of communication. Jammu's aerodrome was developed during Maharaja Hari Singh's reign and initially served the ruler's private aircraft. It subsequently became the foundation of the city's modern airport infrastructure. Srinagar's airfield acquired particular importance during the crisis of 1947. Its subsequent development into a major civilian airport belongs to the later history of the region.

Radio broadcasting emerged during the political transition of 1947–48. Radio Jammu began broadcasting on 1 December 1947, during Maharaja Hari Singh's reign. Radio Kashmir Srinagar began operating on 1 July 1948, after the formal end of Dogra rule.

Together with printing presses, libraries and schools, broadcasting formed part of the wider transformation of public communication.

Courts, Law and Constitutional Development

The establishment of formal judicial institutions was an important aspect of the State's modernisation. The High Court of Jammu and Kashmir was established in 1928 during Maharaja Hari Singh's reign. Civil and criminal courts and more formalised legal procedures contributed to a structured system of administration.

The State Subject Notification of 1927 defined State Subject status and introduced protections relating to land ownership and eligibility for State employment. The Praja Sabha, established in 1934, introduced a limited representative element into legislative arrangements, although executive authority remained concentrated in the ruler and his administration. The Constitution Act of 1939 further systematised the constitutional framework.

These were important institutional developments, although political participation remained restricted and the system did not amount to full representative government.

Social Reform: Begar, Temple Entry and Women's Welfare

The social history of Dogra rule also includes measures addressing compulsory labour, caste-based exclusion and the exploitation of women.

Reform and Abolition of Begar

The institution of Begar, or compulsory unpaid labour, had a long history in Kashmir and existed under successive regimes, including the Afghan and Sikh administrations. During the Afghan period, it became particularly oppressive, with ordinary people frequently compelled to carry official baggage, transport supplies and undertake arduous journeys to Kabul without remuneration. The burden of this system fell heavily upon the peasantry, disrupting agricultural activity and exposing villagers to considerable hardship.

The Dogra rulers inherited this institution rather than introducing it. Its gradual transformation began during the reign of Maharaja Pratap Singh. In 1891, significant reforms were introduced to regulate the system. A registered body of porters and transport workers was organised, and provision was made for remuneration. The indiscriminate requisitioning of villagers for unpaid labour was curtailed.

The State Council approved measures for the abolition of Begar in 1920. Maharaja Hari Singh continued the process of reform, and further restrictions were imposed on compulsory labour. Thus, the transition from the coercive practices associated with the Afghan period to a regulated and eventually prohibited system of compulsory labour was gradual. The reforms initiated under Pratap Singh and pursued under Hari Singh formed important stages in this process.

Temple Entry and Access to Drinking Water

During Maharaja Hari Singh's reign, measures addressed the exclusion of historically disadvantaged communities from State-controlled temples. A proclamation associated with 1932 is an important milestone in this history. Related reforms addressed caste-based restrictions on access to public wells, drinking water, educational institutions and other facilities. These initiatives sought to reduce discriminatory barriers to religious and public life, although caste discrimination was not thereby eliminated.

Women's Welfare and Suppression of Exploitation

The position of widows, early marriage and the exploitation of women formed part of the wider social-reform agenda. Any specific claim concerning a distinct Widow Remarriage Act should be supported by the exact title, date and provisions in the State's legislative records.

During Maharaja Hari Singh's reign, legislation also addressed immoral traffic and the exploitation of women. The Suppression of Immoral Traffic Regulation of 1934 is associated with this effort. It is more accurate to describe it as an attempt to suppress exploitation and trafficking than to claim that prostitution was completely eliminated.

These measures formed part of a broader, if incomplete, effort to address social inequalities through State action.

Maharaja Pratap Singh and the Promotion of Cricket

Maharaja Pratap Singh encouraged the introduction and development of modern sports in Jammu and Kashmir. Cricket gradually found patronage under the Dogra rulers, becoming part of the emerging sporting culture of the State. The Maharaja's interest in organised recreation reflected a broader outlook that recognised the importance of physical fitness, discipline and sportsmanship in public life. A particularly interesting detail is that Maharaja Pratap Singh maintained a cricket team and was himself one of its eleven players. A photograph from 1922 shows him with his team at Gulmarg. Cricket was then largely a royal and elite recreation, and his personal participation reflected his enthusiasm for the game. His interest helped give cricket visibility and prestige in the State.

The Dogra Rulers: Exemplars of Kshatriya Dharma

The Dogra rulers of Jammu and Kashmir embodied the traditional ideals of Kshatriya dharma in their personal conduct, sense of duty and approach to kingship. They projected an image of disciplined living, personal restraint and adherence to established moral values. It is often asserted that, unlike several contemporary princely houses, the Dogra dynasty did not maintain a royal harem, reflecting a distinctive tradition of domestic propriety. Their conception of royalty rested not merely on hereditary authority but also on duty, honour, courage and responsibility towards their subjects. In this respect, they sought to uphold the ethical ideals associated with Kshatriya tradition.

Maharaja Pratap Singh refused to sanction the imposition of a water tax on his subjects when piped drinking water was made available to them. He considered charging people for such a basic necessity contrary to the principles of Dharma. His personal life was marked by deep religious devotion. He reportedly devoted nearly three hours every morning to puja. At around eleven o’clock, flowers from the palace were released into the Jhelum, allowing people along its banks to witness this daily religious ritual.

Secularism Under the Dogra Rulers: An Archival Record

Dogra rulers maintained a policy of funding educational and religious institutions of all communities. The Jammu and Kashmir Administrative Reports show grants-in-aid to Islamia Schools, Sanskrit Pathshalas, Christian missionary schools and Sikh schools from the same Education Department budget. Land for All Saints Church and Holy Family Catholic Church in Srinagar was granted during the Dogra period, while mosques, temples and gurudwaras were repaired through state grants.  To remove Muslim educational backwardness, Maharaja Hari Singh introduced free and compulsory primary education, popularly called Jabri Taleem, and created special scholarships for Muslim students to study outside the state. 

Khan Bahadur Khwaja Salam Shah Naqshbandi served the administration in the rule of Maharaja Pratap  Singh and Maharaja Hari Singh and was associated with market regulation and later with education and the Muslim scholarship scheme. Prominent Muslims in Hari Singh's higher administration included Aga Syed Hussain Shah Jalali as Prime Minister (1936-38), Khwaja Ghulam Ahmad Ashai as Revenue Member and Sheikh Abdul Aziz as judicial officer. The Darbar officially celebrated Eid and Milad-un-Nabi as state holiday and was represented at the Eidgah congregation.  Maharaja's personal establishment itself included Muslim cooks and staff, reflecting a household as composite as his state.

Maharaja Hari Singh established the Jammu and Kashmir Praja Sabha in 1934, the first legislative assembly in the state. The Sabha had 75 members ; 33 elected, 30 nominated by the Maharaja and 12 officials. Its first elected members included Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah from Srinagar, Mirza Mohammad Afzal Beg from Anantnag, Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas from Jammu and Pandit Prem Nath Dogra from Jammu. The Maharaja nominated prominent citizens to ensure composite representation, including Aga Syed Hussain Shah Jalali, Khwaja Ghulam Ahmad Ashai, Khan Bahadur Salam Shah Naqshbandi , and Colonel Peer Mohammad Khan. The Praja Sabha was the first platform where Kashmiri Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs debated budgets, education and price control together under a Hindu Maharaja's constitution.

Conclusion: A Consequential Chapter in Kashmir's Modern History

The century of Dogra rule brought significant changes to Jammu and Kashmir's physical infrastructure, public institutions and administration. Roads crossed difficult mountain terrain; bridges improved river crossings; railways strengthened external connections; canals supported agriculture; and hydroelectricity introduced new technological possibilities. The Jhelum Weir contributed to water-level management and navigation, while organised trout culture demonstrated the application of scientific methods to fisheries.

The Land Bandobast under Maharaja Pratap Singh brought a crucial administrative dimension to this transformation. Through Walter Lawrence and his team's work, Kashmir acquired more systematic land surveys, village maps, classifications and revenue records. The settlement did not resolve every agrarian injustice, but it established a durable foundation for land administration.

Hospitals and colleges expanded modern public services. Translation departments and printing presses supported scholarship. The silk industry and organised fisheries broadened economic activity, while museums, libraries and courts created institutions for preserving heritage and organising public life. Aviation and broadcasting further extended the technological horizons of the later princely period.

The strongest case for recognising the Dogra legacy rests on these concrete achievements. The period should not be obscured by an exclusively political account of princely rule.

Dogra rule was a period of consequential transition: from difficult physical connectivity towards a more integrated transport network; from irregular land administration towards systematic settlement records; from limited public facilities towards enduring institutions; and from largely traditional systems of communication towards printing, electricity, aviation and broadcasting.

These changes left a substantial material and institutional inheritance. Their place in the history of Jammu and Kashmir deserves to be recognised through careful scholarship, historical perspective and a clear understanding of the lasting significance of state-building.

 

(Avtar  Mota)

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