Wednesday, September 2, 2026

MIRZA GHALIB, ADI SHANKARA,AND THE LIGHT OF UPANISHADS

                                    

Mirza Ghalib, Adi Shankra And Upanishads 



It is well-established that Ghalib was deeply influenced by the Persian poet Mirza Abdul Qadir Bedil of the Sabk-e-Hindi tradition. Bedil studied ancient Indian philosophers extensively; the influence of the Buddhist philosopher Nagarjuna is evident in his poetry. Bedil was also influenced by the Advaita philosophy of Adi Shankara. This may well explain the Vedantic undertones discernible in Ghalib’s verse.


Did Ghalib read Dara Shikoh’s Persian translation of the Upanishads? There is no firm evidence. Yet Dara Shikoh, a devoted seeker of spiritual unity, commissioned the translation of fifty-two Upanishads into Persian . He also arranged Persian translations of the Bhagavad Gita and the Yoga Vasistha. In his foreword to the Persian  translation of the Upanishads , Dara wrote that the reader who studies this text  sincerely, abandoning prejudice, shall become fearless, imperishable, and eternally liberated. It is through Dara's translation that Upanishads reached the West . They were translated into French and Latin from  Persian. 

Dara Shikoh (1615-1659), in 1657  assembled Varanasi Pandits in Delhi and  got translated the Upanishads from Sanskrit to Persian as Sirr-i-Akbar, The Great Secret. In 1775 a copy reached French orientalist Anquetil-Duperron, who rendered it from Persian into Latin/French as Oupnek'hat (1801-02). This translation of a translation first introduced Vedanta to Europe, profoundly influencing Schopenhauer, who called Upanishads solace of his life and death.


 Ghalib endures as a poet of universal humanism, one whose art refuses sectarian delimitation. His conception of love, while steeped in sensuality, is ultimately sublimated into idealism and self-surrender. It is this duality that gives his verse its power ;  it emancipates reason while simultaneously making its home in the heart. Underlying it all is a profoundly inquisitive temperament, a mind given to metaphysical and cosmic questioning.


"Hasti ke mat fareb mein aa jaiyo Asad

Aalam tamaam halqa e daam e khayal hai"


(O Asad do not be deceived by existence

The entire world is but the loop of the snare of thought)


Commentary


This couplet of Mirza Ghalib presents in poetic form the central metaphysical insight of the Upanishads and Adi Shankara. The key term is "Hasti " which in this context signifies empirical existence that appears as independent and substantial. Ghalib warns the self not to be deluded by its apparent reality.


In the Upanishadic vision, this corresponds to the distinction between Brahman and Jagat. The Chandogya Upanishad declares "sarvam khalv idam brahma" , all this indeed is Brahman, and the Brihadaranyaka states that there is no duality. The world perceived as separate is not denied as an experience but its claim to ultimate reality is negated. Shankara formalised this as the doctrine of two levels of truth. "Paramarthika satya"  is the absolute truth of nondual Brahman, which alone is real. "Vyavaharika satya " is the transactional truth of the world, which is empirically experienced but not ultimately real.


Shankara calls this appearance "Maya" . In his Vivekachudamani and in his commentaries on the Brahma Sutras, Maya is not mere nothingness but an indescribable power of appearance that projects multiplicity upon the nondual. Ghalib's phrase" halqa e daam e khayal"  captures this with remarkable precision. Khayal is the equivalent of vikalpa or kalpana in Vedanta, the conceptualising activity of the mind. The world, "aalam" , is not a thing external to consciousness but a circle, "halqa" , formed by thought itself. The snare, "daam" , is not laid by the world for the self. The self lays the snare through its own imaginative construction and then becomes bound by it.


Thus the warning" mat fareb mein aa jaiyo"  corresponds to Shankara's constant exhortation to Viveka, discrimination between the real and the apparently real. The self that knows itself as Atman, identical with Brahman, ceases to mistake the loop of thought for existence itself.


The term "Hasti" denotes not mere life but that which appears to be, the empirical sense that a world stands apart from consciousness and possesses its own substance. The poet addresses himself by his early pen name Asad and issues a warning against ontological confusion. The Upanishadic root is in Chandogya Upanishad:


"Sarvam khalv idam brahma tajjalan iti shanta upasita"

(All this indeed is Brahman. From It all comes, in It all dissolves, by It all lives.)


And Brihadaranyaka Upanishad:


"Yatra hi dvaitam iva bhavati tad itara itaram pashyati, yatra tv asya sarvam atmaivabhut tat kena kam pashyet"

(Where there is duality as it were, there one sees another. But where all has become the Self alone, by what and whom should one see.)


Adi Shankara systematises this intuition. In Brahma Jnanavali Mala verse 20 and in Vivekachudamani he states:


"Brahma satyam jagan mithya jivo brahmaiva na parah"

(Brahman alone is real, the world is appearance only, the individual self is none other than Brahman itself.)


At the level of "Paramartha" , the absolute, only Brahman which is pure consciousness without attributes is satyam. At the level of "Vyavahara" , the everyday order, the world appears and is functional yet it is "mithya" , neither absolutely real nor simply nonexistent. Shankara explains this through "Maya"and "Adhyasa", the natural tendency to superimpose what is seen upon what truly is.


Maya is not a thing but the inexplicable power by which the formless appears as formed. This is precisely what Ghalib names "khayal". Khayal in his usage is not idle fancy but the active constitutive power of mind that projects, divides and names. The phrase "halqa e daam e khayal" suggests a circular trap. The circle is important. Thought creates the world and the world then validates thought, so consciousness moves in a loop.


Therefore "fareb" or deception does not come from outside. Existence does not deceive. The mind deceives itself by taking its own projection for an independent reality. Liberation in Shankara is not arrival at a new place but recognition through "Viveka"  and "Jnana" that Atman is ever free of the loop. In that recognition the snare is seen to be made of nothing but thought and the thought itself is seen to have no locus except Brahman. Ghalib thus reaches through poetry the same ground that Adi Shankara reaches through dialectic.



( Avtar Mota )





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MAHADEVI VERMA AND VEDANTA

                                         
                                          





Mahadevi Verma And Vedanta 

Mahadevi transformed Chhayavad from romantic sentiment into Vedantic experience. Where Chhayavad sought beauty in nature and love, she turned nature into symbol of atman and love into longing for Brahman. Her cloud, lamp and night became Upanishadic metaphors. Thus emotion became sadhana, shringara became jnana, sorrow became realisation of infinite.

Vedanta in Mahadevi Verma's poetry  is not borrowed doctrine but lived experience diffused across her entire body of work from Nihar to Deepshikha.

Her central metaphysics is Advaita rendered through feminine symbols. The lamp deepa burning alone in infinite night is atman holding against avidya. The cloud badli, the rain, the waiting temple, all articulate anitya. Form gathers and dissolves, essence remains.

Her beloved priyatama is never a man. He is Nirguna Brahman, unmanifest, unseen, yet intimate. Therefore her viraha is not romantic absence but Upanishadic longing of jiva for source. Separation itself becomes sacred.

She practises neti neti, refuses possession, refuses monument, refuses self display. This is vairagya not as dry asceticism but as karuna. Her celebrated dukha is not self pity but purnata, the fullness of consciousness that contains infinite sorrow because it contains infinite love.



"पथ को न मलिन करता आना
पथ चिह्न न दे जाता जाना
सुधि मेरे आगन की जग में
सुख की सिहरन हो अन्त खिली

विस्तृत नभ का कोई कोना
मेरा न कभी अपना होना
परिचय इतना इतिहास यही
उमड़ी कल थी मिट आज चली

मैं नीर भरी दुख की बदली".....  ( Mahadevi Verma )

Translation

Come without soiling the path. 
Go without leaving footprints. 
Let the memory of my courtyard remain
 in the world as a tender tremor of joy 
that blossomed at the end. 
No corner of the vast sky 
shall ever be my own. 
Such is my introduction, 
such is my history. 
Yesterday I had gathered,
 today I have dissolved. 

I am a cloud laden with the water of sorrow.

Commentary

Mahadevi Verma compresses the entire human condition into the biography of a cloud. The cloud is the perfect Upanishadic metaphor for Anitya. It has no origin that can be fixed and no residence that can be owned. It appears, it gathers darkness, it pours and it vanishes. Its life is brief and yet within that brevity it contains immense fullness. That is why she calls herself "neer bhari" , full of water. The sorrow she speaks of is not personal grief but the existential fullness of a sensitive being who knows impermanence.

The first ethic she proposes is lightness." Path ko na malin karta aana". Do not pollute the road by your coming. Human beings soil the path through possessiveness, through Raga and Dvesha, through the insistence that this world must belong to them. Mahadevi asks for a journey that leaves the world cleaner than it was found. The second ethic is even more radical." Path chihn na de jata jana" . Do not leave footprints. Modern civilisation desires monuments, archives, legacies. The Upanishads desire the opposite. The sage leaves no trace because trace is Karma, trace is Vasana that binds.That is why Albert Camus had desired no tombstone or memorial in his name after his death. 

She then redefines memory. If anything remains of her courtyard in the world, let it be not a stone but a "siharan" , a shiver of joy. This is a profound understanding of Anitya. Permanence cannot be achieved through solidity, only through tenderness that passes quickly through the heart.

"Vistrit nabh ka koi kona mera na kabhi apna hona"  is the purest expression of neti neti of Brihadaranyaka Upanishad. Not this, not mine. The sky is vast and the attempt to own a corner of it is Avidya.

The Upanishads speak in the same voice. Katha Upanishad says:

"anityam sukham lokam imam prapya bhajasva mam"
(Having come to this transient world that is devoid of lasting happiness, turn towards the eternal.)

Bhagavad Gita which distils Upanishadic wisdom says:

"nasato vidyate bhavo nabhavo vidyate satah"

(Of the transient there is no endurance, of the eternal there is no ceasing.)

Isha Upanishad gives the ethic of Mahadevi in one mantra:

"tena tyaktena bhunjithah ma gridhah kasyasvid dhanam"

(Enjoy through renunciation, do not covet, for whose is wealth)

Brihadaranyaka says:

"Purnamadah purnamidam purnat purnam udacyate purnasya purnam adaya purnam evavasisyate"

(From fullness comes fullness, taking fullness from fullness, fullness alone remains.)

The cloud form "badli" is asat, it will dissolve. The water "neer" is sat, it never dies. It moves from sea to sky to earth and back to sea. Death is not extinction but transformation. "Umadi kal thi mit aaj chali" is therefore not lament but liberation. Yesterday I swelled, today I have merged. In dissolving, the cloud fulfils its Dharma or duty. Thus Mahadevi offers a feminine Vedanta where Moksha is not ascent but gentle raining, not ownership of sky but intimate belonging through self emptying.

Mahadevi and Buddhist philosopher Nagarjuna share reverence for impermanence but diverge in conclusion. Nagarjuna declares all phenomena shunya, empty of essence, through Madhyamaka dialectic. Mahadevi experiences emptiness not as void but as fullness of sorrowful love. Where he dissolves essence into relativity, she dissolves self into compassionate fullness, turning shunyata into purnata. In the later stage of her life,  Mahadevi moved closer to Buddhist thought, especially karuna and anitya. While early verse was Vedantic longing for eternal Brahman, later reflections show quiet acceptance of impermanence and compassion for all living forms. This brings her near Nagarjuna, yet she retains Vedantic fullness. She transforms shunyata into compassionate purnata, void into tender presence.

Mahadevi Verma was born on Holi, 26 March 1907 in Farrukhabad to Govind Prasad Verma and Hemrani, a liberal family that encouraged her education when girls were mostly confined to marriage. She was married at age 9 in 1916 to Dr. Swarup Narayan Verma but refused to move to her husband's house after puberty and lived independently all her life, dedicating herself to studies at Crosthwaite College and Allahabad University, and later to teaching as Principal/Vice-Chancellor of Prayag Mahila Vidyapeeth. She lived simply in white khadi, slept on a wooden chowki, and her only family became her pets : Neelkanth the peacock, Gillo the squirrel  immortalised in "Mera Parivar". Dr Swarup Narayan Verma practised Allopathic medicine in Jhansi , never married,  and died in 1966.


She shared a 40-year deep friendship with fellow Chhayavad pillar Suryakant Tripathi 'Nirala'. She tied rakhi to him every year for decades, and he called her "Saraswati in the vast temple of Hindi Literature". The bond was legendary ; it is said on Rakshabandhan he once asked back the money he gave her for the ritual because he needed it for his rickshaw home. In his later years, when he faced penury and mental illness after losing his wife and daughter Saroj, his government pension secured via Nehru was paid through Mahadevi, who managed his finances because he would give everything away. She painted his vivid portrait in her book "Path Ke Sathi".

I have always been an admirer of Mahadevi the poet and Mahadevi the person. 

( Avtar Mota)




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Based on a work at http:\\autarmota.blogspot.com\.

Tuesday, September 1, 2026

ALCHI MONASTERY :THE LAST LIVING ATELIER OF KASHMIR IN THE HIMALAYAS





Alchi Monastery: The Last Living Atelier Of Kashmir In The Himalaya
                                        
                                                             ( Avtar Mota outside Rubin Museum, New York ) 
                                         
                                                         ( Inside the  Washington Museum )
                                                      ( Inside the  Louvre Museum, Paris )       
                                                       ( Inside the MET Museum, New York)                                                                 

(Alchi Monastery, with the three-storied Sumtsek in the centre, Ladakh, India, photograph by C Luczanits, 1994)




The cultural geography of the Kashmir Valley extending from Verinag in the south to the Kishanganga in the north, including territories presently falling in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, presents extensive stratified archaeological evidence of a monumental Hindu Buddhist artistic school of immeasurable extent. The material corpus comprises partly erect temple walls in ashlar masonry, articulated foundations and adhishthanas, fragments of stone icons in chloritic schist, broken amalaka and fluted pillars, terracotta tiles with stamped divine and gana images, votive mini stupas, isolated lingas, Buddha padas and much more. The portable corpus has been displaced. While the greater part of metal artefacts, Kashmiri bronzes of the eighth to twelfth centuries renowned for their cold gold work and copper inlay, have entered museums the world over, a substantial and representative number of stone and metal artefacts remain housed in the Sri Pratap Singh Museum, Srinagar, recovered from temple ruins, riverine and agricultural contexts.

Textual Attestation

The textual attestation of this artistic efflorescence is contemporary. Kalhana's Rajatarangini circa eleven forty eight to eleven fifty and the Nilamata Purana sixth to eighth century record a living monumental presence through temples, mathas and chaityas. The Nilamata explicitly enjoins chitra karma, painting and mural decoration, as an integral part of every utsava and religious ritual, indicating the ubiquity of pictorial art. Both texts attest to colossal metallic images of the Buddha at Srinagara and to temples of vast wealth and artistic programme as an empirical reality of that time, not as memory.

The textual record of systematic large-scale destruction of that very corpus appears in chronicles both Sanskrit and Persian. These sources concordantly describe, under the reign of Sultan Sikandar Butshikan thirteen eighty nine to fourteen thirteen and his successors, the destruction of major temples that also served as artistic centres in the valley with the concomitant destruction of frescoes, painted ceilings and walls, stone icons and other artefacts.

Rebirth And Transformation

The Mughal period did witness a rebirth but not of religious manuscript painting in its indigenous sense, rather a transformation into an imperial atelier style. When Akbar and Jahangir annexed Kashmir, they imported Persian masters and reorganised local painters into karkhana workshops reproducing Shahnama, Diwan and other manuscripts. Kashmiri artists, skilled in fine line and natural pigment, adapted Persian arabesque to Himalayan flora, creating a delicate synthesis that flourished on paper rather than temple walls. This was continuity through adaptation, not revival of sacred iconography.

Conversely, the Dogra period under Ranbir Singh, followed by Pratap Singh, saw a conscious rebirth of religious paintings in both the Jammu and Kashmir divisions of the State. The Dogra period saw the rebirth of Pahari and Kashmiri paintings to produce Bhagavad Gita, Ramayana, Mahabharata, Bhagavata Purana, Gita Govinda illustrations, Shaiva Agama scrolls, temple frescoes and portable pata images for shrines. This art returned deities to visual culture after centuries of aniconic dominance, yet it was revivalist and court-directed, lacking the philosophical rigour of ancient Agamic workshops, thus remaining devotional illustration rather than metaphysical embodiment and failing to restore the lost scientific canon of iconometry.

Termination In Situ And Transfer To The Himalaya

After the fourteenth century, the Kashmiri school did not decline technically or aesthetically. It was terminated in situ. Its works were physically annihilated across the Valley from Verinag to Baramulla and beyond, while its living atelier tradition of chitrakaras and rupakaras was transferred. Displaced Kashmiri masters are epigraphically and stylistically documented as active in Guge, Ladakh and Central Tibet in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries. It is precisely because it lay beyond the reach of later iconoclastic campaigns that the Kashmiri idiom survives intact in the Sumtsek at Alchi in its circa twelfth-to-thirteenth-century colossus of Avalokiteshvara with its Pala-derived painted dhoti as the most authentic surviving museum of Kashmiri art. What remains in the Valley today are ruins and spoliated plinths. What remains of the art itself survives in Ladakh, in Tibet, and in museum collections ex situ.

The Sumtsek At Alchi

                                        
                                                       ( Green Tara inside Alchi monastery)


The Sumtsek temple at Alchi monastery on the Indus preserves the most complete ensemble of Buddhist wall painting to survive from the eleventh and early twelfth century in the western Himalaya. Among its many deities, the image identified as Green Tara, also venerated as Syama Tara and in some ritual contexts as Prajnaparamita, stands apart for its exquisite modelling and for the clarity of its stylistic ancestry. The monastery lies in a fertile reach that was historically a corridor between Kashmir and the kingdom of Guge. Its murals are not Tibetan in invention but are the work of Kashmiri masters who travelled east when Kashmir was at the summit of its artistic and scholastic power centred on Sharada Peeth. For this reason Alchi has become the principal archive for an art whose original centres in the valley itself have been destroyed. The architecture, three-storied and timber-framed, the doorway with rearing leogryphs and intricate wood carving, the colossal clay Bodhisattvas whose dhotis carry miniature court scenes, all point to a school whose grammar is Kashmiri rather than central Tibetan.

The colour schemes of Alchi are also Kashmiri in origin, and this is equally significant. The murals of Alchi, especially in the Sumtsek and Dukhang, do not employ the flat primary palette that characterises later Tibetan painting in Ladakh. Instead, they reveal a sophisticated Kashmiri palette, soft lapis blues, subtle ochres, malachite greens and warm earth reds, applied with delicate shading and tonal gradation to create volume and depth. This modelling, known as chiaroscuro, together with the graceful line and naturalistic drapery, reflects the aesthetic of Kashmiri Buddhist art that was deeply influenced by late Gandhara and classical Indian painting. The artists brought not only their woodcraft but their entire system of colour preparation, mineral pigments and mural technique.
Alchi Monastery preserves in both timber and pigment the last great flowering of Kashmiri Buddhist art, untouched by later Tibetan repainting.

The Second Diffusion

Tradition attributes the foundation of Alchi to Rinchen Zangpo, remembered as Lochen or Lotsawa Chenpo, the Great Translator, active between nine five eight and one zero five five. He was one of twenty-one scholars dispatched by the lama king Yeshe O of Guge to revive Buddhism in the trans Himalayan world. He trained in Kashmir, then a great centre of Sanskrit learning, logic and Vajrayana practice, and chronicles credit him with establishing one hundred and eight monasteries and numerous chortens from Ladakh to Spiti and Kinnaur. Recent fieldwork indicates that Alchi in its earliest surviving phase is slightly later than his lifetime, probably late eleventh to early twelfth century, and an inscription links the Dukhang to Kalden Sherab, a monk from Sumda who studied at Nyarma. Yet the artistic continuity is secure. Zangpo institutionalised the practice of engaging Kashmiri painters, sculptors and woodcarvers for the new foundations, and Alchi together with Mangyu and Sumda forms a single stylistic group. Until close examination by scholars such as Goepper, Luczanits and Linrothe, these monuments were linked directly to the second diffusion, but material evidence now shows a mature Kashmiri workshop operating in Ladakh a century after Zangpo, preserving classical forms that were already codified in the valley.
                                             
(A goddess in Tabo Monastery, Spiti, Himachal Pradesh. Kashmiri influence is visible in this painting done in the 11th century. Photo  Source: Jaroslav Poncar )


Bronze Kinship


                                        
                                                          ( Bronze Tara from Kashmir )

The technical link between the Alchi Tara and Kashmir can be demonstrated with precision by comparison with the corpus of Kashmiri bronzes of the same period. During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, patrons of Guge commissioned portable images in copper alloy from Kashmiri ateliers. Many of those images were later carried to central Tibet for use in monasteries. When monasteries were abandoned or looted, many entered the art market and are now in major collections, including the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, the Norton Simon Museum, the British Museum, the Victoria and Albert Museum and many more museums in Europe and the United States. The standing Tara of circa twelfth century in the Metropolitan Museum, the seated Tara with silver inlay of Pala period in the same collection, and the female deity identified as Tara or Vasudhara in Los Angeles share the Alchi morphology. They are cast by lost-wax casting in a copper alloy with high tin content, often with cold gilding and with silver inlay for eyes and sacred thread, with beaded borders and with textile folds incised as pseudo-concentric arcs descending from the neck, a diagnostic Kashmiri trait. The Alchi painter imitates those metal traits in pigment, using gold leaf for jewellery, white for pearls and a sharp black line for the incised folds. In essence, the wall painting is a bronze translated into mineral colour.
                                          
(11th century, Kashmir, Tara, brass with silver-inlaid eyes, photo on Fondation Alain Bordier, at the Tibet Museum in Gruyères, Switzerland.)

                                                         
(Standing Tara in bronze 1oth or 11th century ,Kashmir .Photo source:sothebys.com/en/buy/auction/2020/ A copper-alloy-figure with-silver-inlay )                                   
                                                           
   (  
8th century, Kashmir (or later), Tara, brass, at the Royal Ontario Museum, Canada.)



The Ajanta Lineage

                                       
(Bodhisattva Padmapani (detail), Cave 1, wall paintings in Caves at Ajanta, India, c. 200 B.C.E.–650 C.E.)


Material analysis of wall paintings of Alchi and many Buddhist monasteries of the western Himalaya confirms a Kashmiri provenance and a direct link to the Indian wall painting tradition. The palette is dominated by lapis lazuli blue from Badakhshan, vermilion red, malachite green, orpiment yellow and shell white, with lavish use of gold. These pigments retain exceptional saturation after nine centuries because of the arid desert climate and because the ground is a carefully prepared mud plaster tempered with vegetal fibre and polished. The modelling follows the Ajanta method of vartana, gradual lightening and deepening of tone to create volume rather than linear hatching. The blue-green of the Tara, which photographs as green in some lights due to oxidation of copper-based green mixed with lapis, is built up in multiple transparent washes over a white base, a Kashmiri technique for luminous depth. The sequence follows the Vishnudharmottara Purana: rekha for outline in reddish brown, varna for flat colour, vartana for shading, then a final black outline. This is not the flat wash of later Tibetan thangkas but the illusionistic modelling of classical Indian painting that was most fully theorised in Kashmir during the time of Abhinavagupta. Scholars have singled out the Alchi Green Tara as a masterpiece of this shading, where the cheek and throat are rounded by imperceptible transitions.
      
                                          
                                                              ( Wall paintings in Ajanta caves)
                                                                    (Ajanta cave mural ) 

                                                 
Woven Figures

The depiction of woven figures is another Kashmiri hallmark and provides decisive technical evidence. The dhotis, upper cloths and haloes are not free invention but accurate records of loom-woven textiles that travelled through Kashmir from Central Asia, Persia and Indian centres. The nimbus shows diamond diaper and lozenge patterns, the lower garment shows patola-like double ikat checks, the borders show pearl roundels enclosing geese or rosettes, a Sasanian motif transmitted via Sogdian samite silk. These patterns are executed with a grid and a fine brush, exactly as prescribed for chitra pata. The painter records the beaded belt with looped swags, the translucent muslin that clings to the thigh and reveals its form, the knotted sash, all of which are carved in identical form on Kashmiri bronzes. In the same shrine, the dhoti of Avalokiteshvara carries painted vignettes of a Kashmiri king out hunting with falcons and a dancing girl before a palace, described as the only surviving visual record of the culture and architecture of ancient Kashmir. For textile history, this is invaluable because the actual silks of Kashmir of this period have not survived. The precision of the weaving patterns, including counts of warp and weft suggested by dots, indicates that the painters had pattern books of textiles.
                                         
      (Portrait of a goddess in Tholing Monastery, Tibet. Kashmiri influence is starkly visible in the painting.)


The Colossal Bodhisattva

                                      
                          (The four-metre colossal clay image of Avalokiteshvara in Alchi Monastery )


The four-metre colossal clay image of Avalokiteshvara, the Bodhisattva of Infinite Compassion, standing in the ground floor niche of the Sumtsek, the famous three-storied temple of Alchi Monastery in Ladakh, built around the twelve twenties under Guge royal patronage and executed by Kashmiri artists. The statue is modelled in clay over a wooden armature and painted white with bright vermilion palms and soles, four armed with the upper hands in abhaya mudra and holding a lotus, and its dhoti is not real textile but a highly elaborate painted garment depicting sacred places and royal palaces in the late Indian Pala style, with the same tradition that once animated Ajanta, Nalanda and other Indian Mahaviharas and which survived at Alchi because of its remote location. Inside the Sumtsek it is one of three colossal Bodhisattvas flanking the taller central Maitreya, with Manjushri on the other side, each identified in inscriptions as the receptacles of body, speech and mind and as embodiments of the Buddha Sambhogakaya, Dharmakaya and Nirmanakaya, and all rising from the ground floor through open galleries so that their crowned heads can be venerated from the first and second floors, while the marigold garland in the photograph is a contemporary devotional offering laid over the eight century old painted surface.

From Ellora To Kashmir

                                       
                                                              (Standing stone  Tara in Ellora caves no 6)

In Ellora Cave Six, a sixth to seventh century Buddhist vihara, Tara appears in stone as one of the earliest independent goddess figures in western India, standing beside the shrine door alongside Bhrkuti, Mahamayuri, Avalokiteshvara and Maitreya, and most importantly in the Ashtamahabhaya litany panel where for the first time she is shown saving devotees from the eight great dangers, a role previously reserved for Avalokiteshvara, marking the beginning of her worship as the female saviour who later evolves into the refined silver eyed bronzes of Kashmir. In Cave Six, Tara is still in simple early form, standing in tribhanga, holding a lotus, with a gentle face, much less ornate than later Kashmiri bronze. She is called Mahamayuri or Saraswati by local guides because the boundaries between Hindu Saraswati and Buddhist Tara were fluid. Kashmiri bronze is the portable, refined, tantric evolution of that Ellora Cave Six stone goddess.

Chitrasutra And Pramana

In respect of Alchi Tara, the face and bosom are drawn according to Chitrasutra, chapters thirty-five to forty-three of the Vishnudharmottara Purana, which codifies pramana or iconometry. The face is of chaturtha tala proportion, circular and broad at the forehead, with eyebrows shaped like a bow, chapakara, unjoined and tapering. The eyes are patola patra, lotus-petal shaped, elongated and half-closed in contemplation, ardha mukulita, with the farther eye protruding slightly beyond the facial line, a pan-Indian convention preserved in Kashmir and in Jain manuscripts of western India. The nose is tila phulla, like a sesame flower, narrow at the bridge and fuller at the nostril. The lips are bimba, like ripe fruit, with a well-defined vermilion border. The chin shows a small dimple, darimi. The urna on the forehead and the elongated earlobes are inlaid in white with a black pupil. The bosom follows the prescription pina unnata payodhara for goddesses: high, firm and close-set breasts, modelled with soft grey-blue shading under the curve and a single dark point for the nipple, as described in Manasara and Shilparatna. The torso shows kshina madhya, a slender waist; the posture shows tribhanga even while seated, with subtle bends at the neck, waist and knee, in lalitasana with one leg pendant. The navel is deep with a spiral; the belly shows three subtle folds, vali traya. All these measurements correspond to angula units and are identical to bronze proportions, proving adherence to a shared workshop manual.

Tara In Thangkas

In Buddhist Thangkas, Green Tara or Syama Tara embodies active compassion, swift to protect from fear. She sits in Lalitasana upon a lotus, right leg extended in readiness, body luminous green signifying wind and accomplished action. Her right hand, in varada mudra, grants boons; her left hand, at her heart, holds a blue utpala blooming by the ear, a symbol of enlightened speech. Crowned and jewelled, youthful and serene, she radiates fearless grace. Unlike White Tara, who grants longevity, Green Tara dispels eight great terrors. Her mantra Om Tare Tuttare Ture Soha invokes instant aid, making her a beloved saviour goddess across Himalayan Buddhism.

                                          
(Photo source, Göttinnen Mandalas, Wandmalerei in einem Himalaya-Kloster, Roger Goepper )

The source for the above  Thangka is an eleventh-century mural in the Sumtsek Temple at Alchi Monastery in Ladakh in the western Indian Himalaya, on the left wall of the left niche on the ground floor. 

 Woodwork in Alchi Monastery 

                                            


The woodwork of Alchi Monastery is a definitive example of Kashmiri craftsmanship transplanted to Ladakh, and its survival is of immense art historical value. Historical accounts record that artists and wood carvers were summoned from Kashmir, which at that time remained a flourishing centre of Buddhist art before its cultural transformation.
This origin is evident in the carvings themselves. The massive pine door frames, the elaborately carved pillars of the Dukhang and the ornate facades of the Sumtsek reveal a vocabulary distinct from Tibetan tradition. One finds delicate lotus scrolls, graceful volutes, intricate fretwork and refined floral medallions executed with a subtlety and plasticity characteristic of Kashmiri temple art.

Later Ladakhi monasteries adopt a bolder and more formal Tibetan idiom. Alchi alone preserves the older, more lyrical Kashmiri sensibility in wood, making it an irreplaceable archive of a tradition now lost in its own homeland.

Hindu Deities in Alchi Monastery: Identification and Kashmiri Origin


The presence of Hindu deities in Alchi Monastery, Ladakh, is well documented and represents one of the most important features of the complex, which is dated to the late tenth to eleventh century.

Deities Identified

Published documentation by David Snellgrove, Roger Goepper and Pratapaditya Pal identifies the following Hindu deities in the murals and wood carvings of the Dukhang, Sumtsek and Manjushri Temple.

1. Uma Maheshvara: Shiva with his consort Parvati seated on Nandi the bull. This is one of the most celebrated panels in the Sumtsek and is rendered with precise Shaiva iconography.

2. Shiva as Mahakala / Bhairava: In fierce form as a Dharmapala, protector of the Dharma. This form corresponds to the Shaiva Bhairava of Kashmir.

3. Indra, the king of the Devas, depicted on his mount Airavata, the white elephant, as a lokapala.

4. Brahma: Four-faced deity, shown among the assembly of worldly protectors.

5. Ganesha: Elephant-headed deity, included as Vinayaka, remover of obstacles, a figure already adopted in Buddhist tantric texts.

6. Surya and Chandra: Personifications of the Sun and Moon, seen in cosmological friezes and mandala borders.

Origin and Context:

These deities did not originate in central Tibet or later Ladakh. Their iconography came from Kashmir. In the eleventh century, Kashmir was a centre where Shaiva Hinduism and Vajrayana Buddhism were practised simultaneously and shared the same workshops of bronze casters, painters and wood carvers. The same Kashmiri artists invited by Rinchen Zangpo to build Alchi had previously worked on Hindu temples at Avantipur and Martand in Kashmir. Art historical comparison shows that the crown types, jewellery, sacred thread or Yajnopavita, and modelling of the deities at Alchi match Kashmiri Hindu bronzes dated to the ninth to eleventh century, preserved today in the Shri Pratap Singh Museum, Srinagar, and other collections, rather than Pala or central Tibetan models. In Vajrayana Buddhism, these figures were not worshipped as external Hindu gods. They were incorporated as lokapalas and dharmapalas, worldly protectors who had taken an oath to protect the Buddha Dharma. Manuscript colophons at Tabo and Alchi and Sanskrit texts such as the Sadhana-mala contain dhyana verses for these same protector deities, confirming their integration into Buddhist practice in Kashmir before their transfer to Ladakh. 

Thus, the Hindu deities at Alchi are authentic evidence of the transfer of a shared Shaiva-Buddhist artistic tradition from Kashmir to Ladakh in the eleventh century.

Double Revelation Of Nineteen Fifty Nine

The strong Kashmir link was doubly revealed in modern times when Buddhists fleeing Tibet brought their sacred idols and paintings to India with the Dalai Lama in nineteen fifty nine and in the years that followed. Monks from Guge, Toling, Tabo and central Tibetan monasteries that had been patronised by Kashmiri artists carried with them gilt copper alloy images that had been worshipped for eight centuries. When these images were unpacked in Dharamshala, in Kinnaur, in Spiti and in the new monasteries in Karnataka and later catalogued by scholars and by museums, their kinship to Alchi became immediately apparent. The refugees brought bronze Taras, Prajnaparamitas and Avalokiteshvaras whose faces, bosoms, textile folds and beaded belts were identical to the Alchi murals. Until then, Western scholarship had classified many of those bronzes loosely as Western Tibetan or Pala. Seen alongside Alchi, still in situ and still in worship, their Kashmiri origin became undeniable. The Los Angeles and Metropolitan Museum pieces that had been labelled as Tibetan were reattributed to Kashmir and Himachal. In this way, the exodus, tragic as it was, provided a second archive. Alchi preserved the wall, the refugees preserved the portable shrine, and together they allowed a reconstruction of a school that had been lost in its homeland.


Alchi Manuscripts 

The manuscripts associated with Alchi are also linked to the Kashmiri tradition of learning. The eleventh century was the age of the great Lotsawas, the translators. Rinchen Zangpo, the founder of Alchi, himself studied in Kashmir for many years under Kashmiri pandits and brought back Sanskrit Buddhist manuscripts written in Sharada script, the script of Kashmir.

At Alchi, the early library contained Sanskrit sutras on Prajnaparamita and Tantric texts that were not yet translated into Tibetan. The language of these manuscripts was Sanskrit, which was taught and preserved by Kashmiri masters who served as teachers to Tibetan monks.

Kashmiri Acharyas such as Shradhakaravarman and others lived and taught at Tholing and Alchi, instructing in Sanskrit grammar, logic and Buddhist philosophy. Thus the manuscripts at Alchi are not merely religious objects but evidence of a direct pedagogical lineage where Kashmir was the teacher and Ladakh the disciple, before the Tibetan canon was fully standardised.

Commonality of Construction Material

Alchi Choskhor is an extraordinary example of Western Himalayan architecture in which earth, stone and timber were brought together with remarkable technical sophistication. Their massive walls employ stone, earthen masonry, mud mortar and carefully prepared clay plaster, while timber provides essential structural support in columns, beams, brackets, lintels, ceilings and roof systems. Fine clay plaster also created the smooth surfaces upon which Alchi’s famous paintings were executed. This combination of earth, stone and wood belongs to the indigenous architectural tradition of Ladakh and the Western Himalaya. Traditional Ladakhi construction employed sun-dried mud bricks, locally prepared mud mortar, timber beams and fine clay plaster. A particular fine clay known as markalak has been used to prepare surfaces for temple paintings. These relatively humble materials were transformed into one of the most sophisticated sacred environments of medieval Himalayan Buddhism. The thick earthen walls provided mass and insulation, timber gave structural flexibility and architectural articulation, and clay plaster provided the luminous ground for paintings of exceptional refinement. Upon these Ladakhi materials, craftsmen created an artistic world whose paintings, sculptures and carved architectural details preserve particularly strong connections with the traditions of medieval Kashmir. The survival of Alchi for more than eight centuries is itself testimony to the sophistication of this building technology. What outwardly appears to be a modest architecture of earth and wood became the vessel for one of the greatest surviving achievements of Himalayan and Kashmiri-related Buddhist art.

Alchi's architecture was not technologically isolated from the neighbouring cultural world of Kashmir. Both regions possessed long traditions of combining timber with stone, brick, mud mortar and clay plaster. In Kashmir, abundant deodar encouraged an especially rich tradition of timber construction, while in Ladakh poplar and juniper were employed alongside earth and stone. The materials were therefore not identical in botanical terms, but the underlying architectural principle was strikingly comparable: timber supplied structural cohesion and sophisticated carpentry, while earth and masonry provided mass, insulation and surfaces for decoration. 
 

Place In Himalayan Art History

In synthesis, the Green Tara of the Sumtsek is technically a Kashmiri bronze executed as a wall painting, a document of loom-woven textiles, and a measured icon built according to Chitrasutra. Its alloy and gilding are translated into lapis and gold leaf, its textile patterns are copied from samite silks on the loom, its face and bosom are drawn by tala measurement and vartana shading, and its jewellery and drapery are identical to portable images now in New York, Los Angeles and London. The painting anchors the entire group of eleventh and twelfth century western Himalayan bronzes to a fixed architectural context. It proves that Kashmiri ateliers operated as complete workshops capable of bronze, clay, wood and wall, that they carried pattern books of textiles and of iconometry, and that they maintained Ajanta-like modelling long after that site had ceased. For Ladakh it marks the moment when Kashmir supplied not only religion but the very language of beauty that would shape Tibetan art for centuries. For India it shows that the great tradition of Sharada Peeth survived not in the valley but on the Indus, and that its full meaning was recovered only when two survivals, the walls of Alchi and the idols saved by Tibetan monks in exile, were seen side by side.

Preservation

Alchi remains a living monastery and a protected monument of the Archaeological Survey of India. Its mud plaster is fragile, its pigments are vulnerable to humidity and to flash photography, and its timber is at risk from insect attack. Yet the dry desert climate that has preserved it for nine hundred years continues to protect it. Future study must include non-invasive pigment analysis, three-dimensional scanning of the clay sculptures to compare tala measurements with bronzes, and documentation of textile patterns for the history of weaving. The story of the Green Tara reminds us that Kashmir was once a centre of Buddhist art whose influence reached to Alchi and beyond, that its craftsmen were masters of both metal and mineral colour, and that the memory of that school was preserved twice, once by a remote Himalayan village that never ceased worship and once by monks who carried their gods across the Himalaya to India in nineteen fifty nine.

(Avtar Mota)


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