From Kashmir’s Temples to Tibet’s Monasteries: Green, White and Red Tara
I
remember my mother reciting the complete Panchakanyā Mantra every night before
going to sleep:
Ahalyā Draupadī Kuntī Tārā Mandodarī tathā,
Pañchakanyāḥ smaren nityaṃ mahāpātaka-nāśanam.
The verse means: “One should remember daily Ahalya, Draupadi, Kunti, Tara and Mandodari, for the remembrance of these five women destroys even the gravest of sins.” After completing the traditional mantra, my mother would add her own tender supplication: “He Devi, duṣṭa svapnaṃ mā darśaya,” meaning, “O Goddess, do not bring an evil dream into my sleep.”This simple nightly practice shows how sacred memory was preserved within the intimate world of the household, especially through mothers and elderly women. Tara, the wise queen of the Rāmāyaṇa and wife of Vāli, was one of the five women invoked in the Panchakanyā verse. Her name was therefore revered across the length and breadth of India, including in Kashmiri Pandit households, where Sanskrit prayers remained woven into domestic life. Later, when I sought clarification regarding the identity of Tārā, I was told that the Tārā mentioned in the Rāmāyaṇa could be understood, within a syncretic devotional tradition, as a Rūpa, or manifestation, of the compassionate Buddhist goddess Tārā, who was subsequently worshipped across Kashmir, the Himalayan regions and Tibet. Such an interpretation reflects the long history of interaction among Hindu, Buddhist and Tantric traditions in India, where sacred names, symbols and feminine divine forms often acquired new meanings across religious boundaries. However, in the Rāmāyaṇa, Tārā is the wise wife of Vāli and the mother of Aṅgada, admired for her intelligence, foresight and political judgement. The Buddhist Tārā, by contrast, developed as a compassionate saviouress within Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna Buddhism and became especially prominent in the religious cultures of Kashmir, Nepal and Tibet. The suggested identification is therefore best understood as a later theological association rather than as a direct linkage to Ramayana itself.
Between the eighth and twelfth centuries, Kashmir functioned as the principal conduit for Tantric transmission to Tibet, and a succession of Kashmiri Pandits carried the valley’s ritual systems across the Himalayas. In the early period, masters such as Vimalamitra and Danashila travelled to Central Tibet during the reign of King Trisong Detsen and worked on the translation of Kriya, Charya and Mahayoga texts that later became foundational for the Nyingma school. The eleventh century witnessed the largest movement. Atisha Dipankara Srijnana spent twelve years in Kashmir studying under Dharmarakshita and Bodhibhadra, and in 1042 he brought to Tibet the Lamrim teachings together with the practices of Green Tara, White Tara and the Twenty-One Praises, thereby establishing Tara as a pan-Tibetan deity. At the same time, Kashmiri specialists such as Ratnavajra and Vagishvara Kirti entered Sakya and transmitted Red Tara, Kurukulla, Hevajra and Guhyasamaja together with the four activity schema of pacifying, increasing, magnetising and subjugating. Dharmashri and Subhakara contributed Kalachakra, Medicine Buddha and the earliest Tibetan commentaries on the Twenty-One Taras, while Jnanasrimitra and other logicians reinforced the philosophical framework. By the twelfth century, as institutions in India declined, Shakya Shri Bhadra made the final major crossing in 1204. As the last abbot to leave Kashmir before its Buddhist monasteries were destroyed, he gave full ordination to the Second Karmapa and carried the Vinaya, Abhidharma and Hevajra lineages to the Karma Kagyu. Other figures such as Parahita, Kasarpana and the female master Lilavajra further diversified the transmission with Yamantaka, Chakrasamvara and Vajra Tara practices. Collectively, these Kashmiri masters transferred not only texts but an entire method of deity Yoga, Mantra and visualisation that had been perfected at Sharada Peeth and the monasteries of Srinagar and Baramulla. When Kashmir’s Buddhist centres declined after the twelfth century, the tradition was preserved in Ladakh at Alchi, Wanla and Lamayuru, where 11th–12th century murals retain the Kashmiri style of Tara. Tibet had already become the archive, and the lineages of Green, White and Red Tara that remain central in Tibetan ritual today are directly traceable to this Kashmiri exodus.
Under the Karkota and Utpala dynasties, the Kashmir valley supported royal courts, the university of Sharada Peeth, and hundreds of monasteries in which Hindu Shaiva Tantra and Buddhist Vajrayana developed in close proximity. It is in this milieu that Tara emerged as a Tantric deity. The name Tara means both "Star" and "She who ferries across". She is absent from early Vedic literature. Her appearance coincides with the shift from Vedic sacrifice to Mantra, Mandala and deity Yoga.
In Kashmir, two distinct Taras took shape. First, Hindu Tara, the second of the ten Mahavidyas, depicted in blue, fierce, standing upon Shiva, associated with sound and liberation. Second, Buddhist Tara, a Bodhisattva manifesting as Green, White and Red, associated with compassion and skilful action.
Because both traditions employed the same scribes, initiations and ritual manuals, they influenced one another profoundly. The outcome was a highly practical cult. Texts such as the Sadhanamala and the Tara Tantra prescribed precise colours, visualisations and purposes. This practicality made Tara readily exportable, and it is this Kashmiri template that Tibet later adopted in full.
Centres of Tara Worship in Ancient Kashmir
Kashmir was not only a site of composition but also of active cultic practice. Although many structures were destroyed after the fourteenth century, textual and archaeological evidence identifies several key loci.
Sharada Peeth in Kupwara was the most prominent. A university and temple complex dedicated to Goddess Sharada, a form of Saraswati, it had by the eighth century become a major centre of Sanskrit learning and Tantra. It was primarily a centre of Śākta worship, though Buddhist scholars including Atīśa are recorded to have studied there. It is likely that Buddhist Tārā Sādhanas were taught alongside Śaiva practices in this syncretic environment.The ruins survive in POK.
The Martand Sun Temple complex at Anantnag was built in the eighth century by Lalitaditya. Though principally Shaiva and Saura, Martand also served as a hub for Tantric cults. Stone inscriptions and manuscripts recovered from the region record Tara Mantras.
At Parihaspora in the Srinagar Valley, an ancient capital, Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang records hundreds of Sangharamas in the seventh century. Excavations have yielded small Tara images carved in the green schist characteristic of Kashmir. These plaques were intended for personal devotion and for travel, precisely the kind of portable deity that would later be transmitted to Tibet.
The monasteries of Srinagar and Baramulla are attested in Kalhana’s Rajatarangini and in Tibetan biographical literature. They were centres where Kashmiri Pandits taught the Tara Kalpa. Atisha spent twelve years in Kashmir and, according to his biography, received Tara teachings from Dharmarakshita at a monastery near Baramulla. These institutions housed palm leaf manuscripts of the Arya Tara Sadhana and the Twenty-One Taras.
Finally, the cave and rock shrines of the Jhelum Valley reflect the Siddha strand of Kashmiri Tantra. Tibetan accounts describe rock carvings of Tara along trade routes to Ladakh and Gilgit. These functioned as way station shrines for merchants, and they form the background to Green Tara’s role as protector of travellers. By the eleventh century these centres were producing both texts and initiates. When Kashmir’s institutions declined after the fourteenth century, the lineage had already been transplanted to Tibet.
Tara in Western Himalayas
Tārā’s presence in the Western Himalaya to Kashmir reflects a deep historical and spiritual migration of Buddhist and Tantrik traditions. Originating in the great monastic centres of Bengal and Nalanda, Tārā was carried northward to Kashmir between the 7th and 11th centuries, where Kashmir became a major hub for Vajrayana Buddhism and Mahāvidyā worship. From Kashmir, monks, traders, and pilgrims travelled east through Zanskar and over the high passes into Lahaul and Spiti, bringing with them texts, rituals, and iconography of Green and White Tārā. In Lahaul, she was embraced as Dolma, the protective saviour of shepherds and travellers crossing dangerous Himalayan routes. While Kashmir later saw the decline of Buddhism, the valleys of Lahaul, Spiti, and Kinnaur preserved Tārā worship in monasteries like Kardang, Tabo, and Guru Ghantal. Thus, the Western Himalaya became both a refuge and a living continuation of the Tārā tradition that first flourished in Kashmir, linking the two regions through faith, art, and shared mountain culture.
The Three Principal Buddhist Taras of Kashmiri Origin
Kashmiri masters systematised Tara according to colour and activity. Three forms became central.
Green Tara, Syamatara, is the Protector. She is shown in emerald green with the right leg extended, ready to rise. Her mantra is Om Tare Tuttare Ture Svaha. Her function is protection from the eight fears: lions, fire, water, imprisonment and so on, understood psychologically as anger, pride and jealousy. The Sadhanamala describes her as the swift Tara. Kashmiri traders carried small green Tara images into Central Asia. In Tibet she became the personal Yidam of Atisha, who received her from Dharmarakshita in Kashmir, and she developed into the emergency deity of Tibetan Buddhism.
White Tara, Sitatara, is the Healer. She is white and bears seven eyes on the face, forehead, palms and soles. Her mantra is Om Tare Tuttare Ture Mama Ayuh Punya Jnana Pushtim Kuru Svaha. Her function is longevity, health and peace. White Tara Sadhana was common at Sharada Peeth, and she was associated with healing springs in the valley. In Tibet, she became central to Gelug long life rituals, and every Dalai Lama has maintained a White Tara practice traceable to Kashmir.
Red Tara, Kurukulla or Vajra Tara, is the Magnetiser. She belongs to the Padma family of Amitabha and is depicted in bright red. In her principal form as Kurukulla, she has one face, three eyes and four arms, dances, and holds a flower bow, flower arrow, hook and noose, standing upon the four maras. Her mantra is Om Kurukulle Hrih Svaha. Her function is to magnetise people, wealth, students and opportunities, and to bring harmony. Kurukulla was extremely popular in Kashmir, where the Sadhanamala lists three distinct Sadhanas. She represented the attraction activity employed by rulers and teachers. In Tibet she was introduced by the Kashmiri Pandit Ratnavajra and by other Indian masters to the Sakya and Kagyu schools, where she remains the principal magnetising deity.
The four activity schema, white for pacifying, yellow for increasing, red for magnetising, and blue or green for wrathful, is of Kashmiri origin. Tibet preserved the structure without alteration.
Theological Rationale
Tara addressed a clear human need. The Buddha taught that liberation transcends gender, yet devotees required a maternal figure. Tara is in essence beyond gender but appears in female form out of compassion. She is called Mother of all Buddhas because compassion gives rise to enlightenment. She is also a Yidam. The practitioner does not merely petition her but identifies with her. Green embodies courage. White embodies healing. Red embodies love and influence. This system of deity Yoga was perfected in Kashmir and transmitted to Tibet intact.
Transmission from Kashmir to Tibet in the Eleventh Century
The pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet is well-documented as Bon, an indigenous tradition of nature-worship, ancestor veneration and Shamanic ritual that formed the basis of the Tibetan court and folk practice before the 7th century. This is recorded in early Tibetan chronicles, confirmed by Chinese Tang dynasty accounts, and supported by archaeology and the continuing existence of Yungdrung Bon monasteries today. Major Tibetologists and academic institutions recognise Bon as the faith that preceded Buddhism, and they also recognise that Buddhism and Bon later influenced one another profoundly. You can therefore include it with confidence as established historical context.
Tibet received Buddhism in two phases. The decisive phase came from Kashmir. Atisha Dipankara Srijnana, 982 to 1054, was born in Bengal and spent twelve years in Kashmir. By the eleventh century, Nalanda and Vikramashila were in decline, and Kashmir remained the last centre of full Tantric transmission. In Kashmir, Atisha studied under Dharmarakshita and received initiations of Green and White Tara together with the 'Twenty-One Praises'. His biographies record that Tara herself instructed him to proceed to Tibet. In 1042, Atisha entered Tibet, established the Kadam school, and made Tara a pan-Tibetan deity. Subsequently, Ratnavajra and other Kashmiri Pandits introduced Red Tara and Kurukulla to Sakya. Tibetans referred to Kashmir as Pandita Desha, the Land of Scholars. For three centuries, monks travelled there for texts. By the time Kashmir’s monasteries collapsed, the lineage was secure in Lhasa.
Four factors explain her prominence. First, practicality. Green Tara addressed dangers on mountain passes, White Tara addressed illness, Red Tara addressed leadership and community. There was a Tara for each problem. Second, the feminine principle. Tibet already possessed Bon goddesses and dakinis. Tara aligned with this indigenous emphasis on the compassionate feminine. Third, authority. Atisha, Tsongkhapa and the Dalai Lamas all practised Tara. The Jokhang Temple houses a Green Tara statue associated with Atisha. Fourth, accessibility. Villagers could recite the Mantra, while Yogis could undertake retreats of one hundred thousand recitations. Both drew upon the same Kashmiri template.
The Twenty-One Taras and Kashmiri Provenance
The Twenty-One Praises to Tara that Atisha brought to Tibet are a Kashmiri composition. Each verse describes a Tara with a distinct colour and activity. The text functions as a ritual toolkit. Examples include Green Tara for protection from the eight fears, White Tara for long life, Red Tara or Kurukulla for magnetising and subduing, Yellow Tara for increase of wealth, and Blue Tara for pacification of obstacles. The entire system derives from Kashmiri manuals.
Hindu and Buddhist Tara: The Kashmiri Divergence
Because both forms developed in Kashmir, they share methods while diverging in theology. Buddhist Tara belongs to Vajrayana. Her centres were Sharada Peeth and Buddhist monasteries. Her forms are Green, White and Red and peaceful. Her mantra is Om Tare Tuttare Ture Svaha. Her goal is to ferry beings across Samsara. Hindu Mahavidya Tara belongs to Shakta Tantra. Her centres were the Sharada Peeth and Shaiva temples. Her form is blue and fierce, standing upon Shiva. Her mantra is Om Hrim Strim Hum Phat. Her goal is Moksha and Siddhi. Both employed the Kashmiri method of Mantra, Yantra, and visualisation. After the fourteenth century, they developed independently.
Contemporary Legacy
In Kashmir, the ancient seat of learning at Sharada Peeth now lies in ruins in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Local Hindus continued for centuries to venerate Tārā within the wider cult of Sharada, but this tradition suffered a severe setback after 1947, when the shrine came under Pakistani control following the tribal invasion. The later rise of armed insurgency in the Kashmir Valley, which forced almost the entire Hindu population into exile, further disrupted the region’s living traditions of worship and cultural continuity. Kashmir’s Buddhist inheritance now survives largely through manuscripts, sculptures and other artefacts preserved in institutions such as the Sri Pratap Singh Museum in Srinagar. In Ladakh, by contrast, the Kashmiri Buddhist artistic tradition survives in situ at Alchi, Wanla and Lamayuru. In Tibet, by contrast, the worship of Tārā remains a vibrant and continuous religious practice. Tārā Pūjā is commonly performed on the eighth and twenty-fifth days of the lunar month. Many monasteries maintain a chapel or shrine dedicated to her, while Thangkas depicting the Twenty-One Tārās are widely displayed in monastic spaces and private homes.
Further, Taragam, a village in Qazigund Tehsil of Anantnag district has a shrine dedicated to the goddess Tārā. It survives in the village and continues to attract devotees. Recently, an idol of Ugra Tara has been installed at the shrine. The existence of the shrine and the persistence of local religious tradition establish Taragam as another recognised centre of Tārā worship in Kashmir. The antiquity of the shrine needs further research.
Conclusion
Tara’s history mirrors that of Kashmir. She was born in the Tantric laboratories of Sharada Peeth and the monasteries of Srinagar, where masters asked how fear, illness and desire might be transformed. The answer was given in terms of colour, Mantra and visualisation. Green to protect. White to heal. Red to attract. In 1042, Atisha carried her across the Himalayas. The temples of Kashmir fell, but Tara endured and flourished in Lhasa.
When a Tibetan grandmother recites Om Tare Tuttare Ture Svaha, or when a Sakya lama performs the Kurukulla rite, they continue a lineage that began in the caves and courtyards of Kashmir.
Tara demonstrates that Tantra was not primarily concerned with magic. It was concerned with method. Methods for courage, healing and influence, applied with compassion.
From Sharada Peeth to the Jokhang of Lhasa, the mountains differ. The goddess remains the same. The instruction remains the same. Act, heal, attract, always for the benefit of others.
( Avtar Mota )
PS
(a)
The name Tārawatī, occurring in a verse attributed to the Kashmiri poet Samad Mir, should not automatically be identified with the Buddhist or Śākta goddess Tārā. Tārawatī was a common personal name among Kashmiri Pandit women, like Somāwatī, Līlāwatī, Indrawatī, Rūpawatī and Gunawatī. Some writers have nevertheless linked this verse to the worship of Goddess Tārā. Such an interpretation appears inaccurate, or at least insufficiently supported, because it exceeds what is apparent in the verse itself. The poet’s appeal to Tārawatī, his request for a compassionate glance and his promise to offer flowers may suggest reverence, longing or devotion, but these expressions do not establish that the addressee is a Buddhist or Hindu deity. Similar imagery is frequently used in Kashmiri love poetry, Sufi verse and mystical compositions addressed to a human beloved or symbolic feminine figure. Unless the poem’s title, its surrounding verses, the editor’s commentary or other reliable contemporary evidence explicitly associates Tārawatī with a particular shrine or goddess, the verse should not be presented as proof of Tārā worship in Kashmiri poetry. Scholarly caution requires that the name be understood first in its ordinary Kashmiri cultural context rather than being burdened with a theological meaning that the text itself does not convey.
(b)
Sources /Books Consulted
Beyer, Stephan. The Cult of Tara: Magic and Ritual in Tibet. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973.
Kaul, Shonaleeka. The Making of Early Kashmir: Landscape and Process. New Delhi
Khosla, Romi. Buddhist Monasteries of Kashmir and Ladakh. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.
Kinsley, David. Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine: The Ten Mahavidyas. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.
Shaw, Miranda. Buddhist Goddesses of India and Tibet: Devi and Tara. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006.
Rajatarangini of Kalhana. Translated by M.A. Stein. 2 vols. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1989.
The Complete Works of Atisa Sri Dipaṃkara Jnana, Jo-bo-rje: The Lamp for the Path and Commentary with Twenty-five Key Texts. Translated by Richard Sherburne, S.J. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan ( sourced through Internet Archives)
